作者：林肯,罗斯福
出版社：外语教学与研究出版社
格式: AZW3, DOCX, EPUB, MOBI, PDF, TXT
名人演讲录(轻松英语名作欣赏-中学版)(5级上)试读：
致读者
童年时代动人的童话故事和经典名著永远是人无法抹去的温情回忆。现在，你可以尽情沉浸在英文经典殿堂中，欣赏英文作品的原汁原味。“轻松英语名作欣赏”专为需要提高英语阅读及听力水平的各类读者而设计，系列中收录的都是大家耳熟能详的故事，简单而亲切。通过阅读和收听这套有声读物，你的英语阅读水平和理解能力都会得到明显的提高。
本系列分为五个级别，词汇量逐级扩大，“如何使用本书”和“如何提高英语阅读水平”提供了概括性的指导。另外，本系列还针对不同的故事内容设计了“你读懂了多少”（Comprehension Quiz），帮助你检测阅读理解的效果。“阅读准备”（Before You Read）以图文并茂的形式让读者对生词形成一定的感性认识，并在文中给出更详尽的注释。书后附有译文，帮助你更好地理解故事。本系列还配有精美的插图和“背景知识”（Understanding the Story），让你的阅读更加多姿多彩。
各书的内容由英语国家的专业编辑人员在标准美国英语的基础上，根据不同级别读者的语言水平进行改编，也可应用于英语课堂教学。
现在，让我们开始“轻松英语名作欣赏”听读的快乐体验吧！
关于演讲者
马丁·路德·金（1929～1968）Martin Luther King, Jr.马丁·路德·金是美国黑人解放运动的领袖。他出生在佐治亚州的亚特兰大，在波士顿大学获得了博士学位。1954年，他成为了阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利市一座浸信会教堂的牧师。他是圣雄甘地非暴力不合作民权哲学的追随者，并在领导民权运动时将该哲学用于抗议有色种族歧视。他于1964年荣获诺贝尔和平奖，但却在1968年4月支持黑人清洁工人罢工示威活动期间被暗杀。亚伯拉罕·林肯（1809～1865）Abraham Lincoln
亚伯拉罕·林肯是美国第16任总统，出生在肯塔基州。虽然家境贫寒，但他仍靠自学通过了律师资格考试，并于1837年在斯普林菲尔德市开办了自己的律师事务所。1834至1840年期间，他被选任伊利诺伊州议员，于1856年加入了共和党，并于1860年成为了美国总统。虽然他在任职四年间领导南北战争逐步走向胜利，但却于1865年4月在华盛顿福特剧院观看一场戏剧演出时被暗杀。此时距离南北战争结束仅五天。莫罕达斯·卡拉姆昌德·甘地（1869～1948）Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
莫罕达斯·卡拉姆昌德·甘地是印度的政治和精神领袖，也是印度独立运动的领导人。他出生于印度波尔邦达尔，从英国伦敦中殿律师学院毕业后成为了律师。他通过非暴力不合作的方式在印度领导独立运动、反对英国政府，努力统一印度。他在印度国内被尊为国父，常常被亲切地称为Mahatma（“圣雄”），意为“伟大的灵魂”。他于1948年1月被一名印度教徒狂热分子暗杀。富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福（1882～1945）Franklin Delano Roosevelt
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福是美国第32任总统，出生于纽约。他从哈佛大学毕业后，于1907年开办了自己的律师事务所。自从当选纽约州民主党参议员后，他便进入了政界，并于1932年成为了总统。就职以后，他采用新政缓解了极度糟糕的经济大萧条，恢复了国民的信心。约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪（1917～1963）John Fitzgerald Kennedy
约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统，出生于马萨诸塞州，毕业于哈佛大学。他于1960年当选为美国历史上最年轻的总统。肯尼迪十分擅长演讲，而且多才多艺。他将古巴导弹危机转化为签署《禁止核试验条约》的契机，禁止了地面核试验的进行。但他于1963年11月在得克萨斯州达拉斯的一次游行中被暗杀。第1章我有一个梦想CHAPTER 1 I Have a Dream
by Martin Luther King, Jr.
August 28, 1963
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "Unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest - quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" - one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day - this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. / Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, / From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!KEY WORDS
demonstration n. 示威
freedom n. 自由
score n. 20个
symbolic adj. 象征性的
Emancipation Proclamation 《解放宣言》
momentous adj. 重要的
decree n. 法令
beacon n. 灯塔
Negro adj. 黑人的
sear v. 煎熬
withering adj. 毁灭性的
injustice n. 不公正
joyous adj. 欢乐的
daybreak n. 黎明
captivity n. 奴役
cripple v. 使陷于瘫痪
manacle n. [～s] 枷锁
segregation n. 种族隔离
discrimination n. 歧视
poverty n. 贫穷
in the midst of 在……之中
prosperity n. 繁荣
languish v. 受冷落
exile n. 被流放者
dramatize v. 使引人注目
shameful adj. 可耻的
architect n. 缔造者
magnificent adj. 宏伟的
promissory note 期票
fall heir to 继承……
guarantee v. 保证
unalienable adj. 不可剥夺的
pursuit n. 追求
default v. 拖欠
insofar as 在……的范围内
honor v. 履行
sacred adj. 神圣的
obligation n. 义务
bad check 空头支票
insufficient adj. 不足的
fund n. 资金
bankrupt adj. 破产的
vault n. 金库
security n. 保障
hallowed adj. 神圣的
remind v. 提醒
fierce adj. 严峻的
urgency n. 紧急
luxury n. 奢侈
tranquilizing drug 镇静剂
gradualism n. 渐进主义
democracy n. 民主
desolate adj. 荒凉的
racial adj. 种族的
quicksand n. 流沙
brotherhood n. 手足情谊
fatal adj. 致命的
overlook v. 忽视
sweltering adj. 闷热的
legitimate adj. 合理的
discontent n. 不满
invigorating adj. 凉爽的
blow off 发泄
rude awakening 突然的惊醒
tranquility n. 安宁
grant v. 赋予
whirlwind n. 旋风
revolt n. 反抗
foundation n. 根基
emerge v. 出现
threshold n. 门槛
guilty adj. 有过失的
seek to 寻求
thirst n. 渴求
bitterness n. 酸涩
hatred n. 仇恨
dignity n. 体面
protest v. 抗议
degenerate v. 沦落
violence n. 暴力
majestic adj. 崇高的
marvelous adj. 非凡的；不可思议的
militancy n. 战斗精神
engulf v. 淹没
presence n. 在场
destiny n. 命运
inextricably adv. 无法摆脱地
bind v. 联系
(bind-bound-bound)
pledge n. 誓言
devotee n. 热心之士
victim n. 受害者
brutality n. 暴行
fatigue n. 疲惫
lodging n. 住宿
mobility n. 流动性
ghetto n. 少数民族聚居区；贫民区
strip v. 剥夺
selfhood n. 自我
state v. 宣称
vote v. 选举
roll down 倾泻
righteousness n. 正义
mighty adj. 有力的
unmindful adj. 没留意的
trial n. 考验
tribulation n. 艰难困苦
cell n. 牢房
batter v. 折磨
persecution n. 迫害
stagger v. 使蹒跚
veteran n. 经验丰富的人
unearned adj. 不应得的
redemptive adj. 救赎的
slum n. 贫民窟
wallow v. 沉沦
creed n. 纲领
self-evident adj. 不言而喻的
oppression n. 压迫
transform v. 转变
oasis n. 绿洲
content n. 所含之物
character n. 品格
vicious adj. 居心不良的
racist n. 种族主义者
governor n. 州长
drip v. 充满
interposition n. 干涉
nullification n. 拒绝执行
exalt v. 使升高
plain adj. 平坦的
crooked adj. 弯曲的
reveal v. 显现
flesh n. 众生
hew v. 劈出
jangle v. 怒冲冲地争辩
discord n. 杂音
symphony n. 交响曲
thee pron. 你（you的古时用语）
Pilgrim n. 清教徒
mountainside n. 山腰
prodigious adj. 巨大的
heightening adj. 巍峨的
snow-capped adj. 积雪覆盖的
curvaceous adj. 蜿蜒曲折的
slope n. 斜坡
molehill n. 鼹鼠丘
hamlet n. 小村庄
Gentile n. 非犹太人
spiritual n. （尤指美国南部黑人的）圣歌
almighty adj. 万能的背景知识Understanding the SpeechDiscrimination and Martin Luther King种族歧视与马丁·路德·金
To better understand the famous "I Have a Dream" speech, it's important to realize where Martin Luther King spoke. He gave this speech on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. The speech began with the words: "Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation." Of course, King was referring to Abraham Lincoln. At the Lincoln Memorial, there is a huge sculpture of Lincoln sitting in a great chair. Anyone who stands before this statue can feel the powerful influence it seems to have. This is what King means when he says they are standing in the "symbolic shadow" of this great American president.
Lincoln freed the slaves when he signed the Emancipation Proclamation. However, 100 years later, blacks were not truly free. After decades of injustice, blacks in the 1960's were determined to establish their rights as truly equal citizens in American society. These efforts became known as the "Civil Rights Movement" . Some black leaders encouraged the use of violence. However, King became famous for his determination to use non-violent means. He encouraged blacks to go on peaceful marches, strikes, and mass demonstrations.
为了更好地理解《我有一个梦想》这篇著名的演讲，了解马丁·路德·金发表演讲的地点是很重要的。他是在华盛顿林肯纪念堂的台阶上发表的这篇演讲。演讲的开场白是：“100年前，一位伟大的美国人—我们今天就站在他具有象征意义的身影之下—签署了《解放宣言》。”当然，金指的就是亚伯拉罕·林肯。在林肯纪念堂里，有一尊林肯坐在大椅子上的巨型雕像。任何人站在这尊雕像面前，都能感到其巨大的影响力。这就是金在演讲中所说的他们就站在这位伟大的美国总统“具有象征意义的身影之下”。
林肯签署了《解放宣言》，让黑奴获得了自由。但是，100年后，黑人们并没有真正获得自由。在遭受了几十年的不公正待遇后，黑人们于19世纪60年代决定在美国社会中建立自己真正的公民平等权。这些抗争就成为了人们所熟知的“民权运动”。一些黑人领袖鼓励采取暴力行为，但金却因决心采取非暴力的方式而闻名。他鼓励黑人们举行和平游行、罢工和群众示威。第2章首次就职演说CHAPTER 2 First Inaugural Address
by Abraham Lincoln
March 4, 1861
Fellow Citizens...
Fellow citizens of the United States: in compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of his office."
I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety, or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration, their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that
"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so."
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
"Resolved: that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."
I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause - as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution - to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" , their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to HOW it shall be kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all privileged and immunities of citizens in the several States?"
I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief Constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever - it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it - break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
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