作者：刘莉娟
出版社：中国纺织出版社
格式: AZW3, DOCX, EPUB, MOBI, PDF, TXT
震撼世界的声音：听诺贝尔奖得主演讲学英语试读：
前言
最鼓舞人心的英文读物，跟随伟人学习英语！
百年来最有力量的英文原声，100%提高你的英语听力。
近50篇精挑细选的最有影响力的诺贝尔奖得主演讲，改变全球上万人的人生轨迹。
在西方文化中流传着这样的一种说法：政治家和成功人士都是善于运用晦涩词汇或漂亮语言，来阐述自己思想的高手，同时也是启迪他人的能手。在充满竞争的世界里，你需要运用这些人的智慧作为你人生的灯塔。如何把话说得漂亮，是一项重要的技能。想把自己的英文说得更加优美和更有力度吗？你可以听听这些名人们的声音，这些激励人心的演讲。
演讲，不仅是运用语言的学问，更是一种机智幽默应对人生的艺术，更是可以激励人心的呐喊。每一篇演讲都是这些成功人士经过深思熟虑，将他们的人生感悟，生活的艰辛和挫折，还有道德伦理和真知实践熔为一炉，再利用优美的语言巧妙地融为一体。
语言本身就是智慧的结晶。英语，不单只有语法或者词汇。英语的真正魅力并不在于用词的生涩和华丽，语法的复杂和冗长，而是在于用最简单的句式，精准的用词来打动人心。如奥巴马这样优秀的演讲者，他可以用简单的语言表达出史诗英雄般的气势和人格，这是一种可以瞬间蔓延、征服、感染和唤起众人心中激情与梦想的力量。还有乔布斯这样的精神领袖，他用简短而精湛的语言，将自己整个人生做了一个完美的总结。演讲是沟通上的升华，是交流的最高境界，拥有不可估量的社会作用和价值。一个字，一句话，都可以成为改变一个人一生的名言。
诺贝尔奖，是以瑞典著名的化学家、硝化甘油炸药的发明人阿尔弗雷德·贝恩哈德·诺贝尔的部分遗产（3100万瑞典克朗）作为基金创立的。诺贝尔奖获得者，是人类智慧的最高代表。
本书作者将诺贝尔奖和演讲这两种元素融合在一起，精选了近50篇关于历史与未来，战争与和平，竞争与合作等各个方面题材的演讲。这些演讲包含了各种真知灼见，谆谆教诲，殷切祝福，在这里你可以看到和听到政界名流的政见，科学家们的理性思考，公众人物的热情呐喊。他们虽然身份不同，但都态度真诚，他们的演讲或严肃或轻松，但都值得细细体味，受益无穷。
本书将原汁原味的英语演讲集成一册，为了方便读者的学习，采用了中英对照的方式呈现。在编排上，还设置了“背景故事”“演讲赏析”“语法知识点”等众多分栏，方便读者全方位进行了解。读者不仅能够享受地道的语言，精准的译文，还能领略文化的风采。
随书免费下载的MP3录音，可以让读者畅游在美文的海洋，体味英语语言的华美之处。
走进诺贝尔这座神圣殿堂，聆听名人的励志演讲，犹如与他们进行面对面的交流。亲爱的读者朋友，无论你是正在象牙塔中求学的学子，还是即将踏出校门的毕业生，抑或是职场中的打拼者和领导者，相信你们都能在愉悦的阅读过程中，享受一场绝佳的思想盛宴，你将与演讲者一起了解过去，把握现在，展望未来，得到精神上的激励。编者2014. 701.Peace and Disarmament 和平与裁军背景故事
阿方索·加西亚·罗夫莱斯（Alfonzo Garcia Robles），墨西哥著名的外交家、政治家。他还是1967年拉丁美洲禁止核武器条约（特拉特洛尔科条约）的发起人和1958年防止核扩散条约的起草人之一。因他在世界核裁军运动中做出的贡献，和瑞典知名社会活动家阿尔娃·米达尔，同时荣获一九八二年诺贝尔和平奖。本篇演讲为阿方索的获奖演说。演讲赏析Peace and Disarmament
Your Majesty, Your Royal Highnesses, Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen.
It is indeed a special privilege to have been distinguished with the Nobel Peace Prize for 1982.
Such a high honor carries for me on this occasion particular significance both for the exceptional qualities of the person with whom I share the prize-Alva Myrdal, my old friend and partner of so many battles fought in the forums of multilateral diplomacy, which have emphasized once again the identity of purpose of Mexico and Sweden in the fields of peace and of disarmament-and for the reasons specifically mentioned by the members of the Nobel Committee in their explanatory statement to the effect that they have decided to award the Peace Prize for 1982“to two persons who for many years have played a central role in the United Nations'disarmament negotiations”and who have helped“to open the eyes of the world to the threat mankind faces in continued nuclear armament”.
To correctly appraise that threat, it will suffice to recall that the United Nations General Assembly unanimously declared in 1978，at its first special session devoted to disarmament, that it is“the very survival of mankind”which finds itself threatened by“the existence of nuclear weapons and the continuing arms race”.
Similar reasons, no doubt, moved Albert Einstein and Bertrand Russell to state in their historic Manifesto of 1955，speaking“not as members of this or that nation, continent, or creed, but as human beings, members of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt”，that we have“to learn to think in a new way”.
In fact, every time that in the past a new weapon was invented, people would say-and, as is well known, Nobel himself originally shared this belief-that it was so terrible that it would never be used. Nevertheless it was, and even though it was terrible, it did not make the human race disappear.But, as so rightly stated by that eminent philosopher of history who was Arnold Toynbee“now we have something that could really extinguish life on our planet.Mankind has not found itself in a similar situation since the end of the Paleolithic age……In fact, the threat to mankind's survival has been much greater since 1945 than it was during the first million years of history”.There is no doubt that-and I again use here the authoritative concepts of Einstein and Russell expressed almost thirty years ago and which obviously are even more valid today-“it is feared that if many H-bombs are used there will be universal death-sudden only for a minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration".
The foregoing considerations, of unimpeachable authority, have led me to think something which I would not dare mention. Had I not already received the Nobel Peace Prize, inasmuch as otherwise I would risk being accused of acting pro domo or, in other words, for personal reasons：the advisability that when awarding the prize in the future, the highest priority should be given to the contribution which the candidates, be they individuals or non-governmental organizations, have made to disarmament.
To justify this suggestion it would be enough to bear in mind that, as the General Assembly of the United Nations rightfully proclaimed-and it did so by consensus-if it continues to be true that security is“an inseparable element of peace”，at present"the increase in weapons, especially nuclear weapons, far from helping to strengthen international security, on the contrary weakens it"，inasmuch as"the accumulation of weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, today constitutes much more a threat than a protection for the future of mankind". Thus, it is evident that the time has come"to seek security in disarmament”.译文参考和平与裁军
尊敬的国王陛下，王储殿下，总统先生，女士们，先生们。
能够获得的1982年度诺贝尔和平奖，实在是我的荣幸。
此时此刻，这一无上的荣誉对我来说有着两个尤为重要的意义。首先，它是对与我一同获得这个奖项的阿尔瓦·米达尔优秀品质的一种肯定——阿尔瓦·米达尔是我的老朋友，也是与我在多边外交论坛上多次并肩战斗的搭档，这再一次彰显了墨西哥和瑞典在和平与裁军领域中目标的一致性；其次，这一奖项对我有重要意义，因为诺贝尔委员会成员在颁奖声明中特别指出了颁奖理由：他们决定将1982年的诺贝尔和平奖颁发给“多年以来在联合国裁军谈判中发挥重要作用的两个人”，他们让“世界意识到人类所面临的持续核军备扩张的威胁”。
要正确地评估这一威胁，我们只需回忆一下1978年联合国大会在第一次关于裁军的特别会议上一致通过的声明，声明强调：“人类的生存”受到了“核武器和持续军备竞赛”的威胁。
同样的原因促使阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦和伯特兰·罗素在1955年发表了他们的历史性宣言，他们指出“不是作为这个或那个国家、大陆或者宗教信仰的成员，而是作为人类，作为人类这种生物的一员，我们的继续生存受到了威胁”，我们必须“学会以一种新的方式思考”。
事实上，每当一种新式武器发明问世的时候，人们可能都会说：它太可怕了，永远都不要使用它，而且众所周知，诺贝尔本人一开始也秉持这样的信念。尽管它很可怕，但它并没有使人类走向灭亡。然而，正如著名的历史哲学家阿诺德·托因比曾公正恰当地指出：“现在我们拥有某些能够真正使生命从地球上消失的东西。自旧石器时代末期以来，人类从未遇到过类似的情况……实际上自从1945年以来，人类生存所面临的威胁已经比人类历史上最初的一百万年时间里所面临的威胁要大得多”。毫无疑问——在这里我再次引用爱因斯坦和罗素在30多年前所表述的权威观念，很显然，这些观念在今天更加适用——“人们害怕的是：如果大量使用氢弹，人类将会灭亡——仅仅对少数人来说，死亡是瞬间的，但是对大多数人来说，却是疾病和衰变的缓慢折磨”。
上述的各种权威的考虑让我想到了一些在我还未曾获得诺贝尔奖时不敢提及的事情，如若提及，我将有可能会被指责是“为家园辩护”或者说是“出于私利”。我想要说的就是：建议未来在颁发此奖项时，最高奖项应该颁发给那些曾为裁军做出贡献的个人或非政府组织候选人。
为了证实这项建议是正确的，我们必须牢记：正如联合国大会一致表决所声明的那样，如果安全是“和平不可分割的一部分”这个事实继续存在，那么现在“不断增加的武器，尤其是核武器，不仅一点儿也不能加强，反而会削弱国际安全”，因为“就如今而言，武器，特别是核武器，对人类所构成的威胁远远大于对人类未来的保护”。因此，很显然我们已经进入了“在裁军中寻求安全”的时代。单词解析Words Analysis
01.distinguished[dɪ'stɪŋgwɪʃt]adj.著名的；卓著的；高贵的
例：His suit was immaculately cut and he looked very distinguished.
他的西服剪裁完美，人显得十分高贵。
02.explanatory[ɪk'splænə，t（ə）rɪ；ek-]adj.解释的；说明的
例：These statements are accompanied by a series of explanatory notes.
这些声明附有一系列的解释性注释。
03.authoritative[ɔː'θɒrɪtətɪv；-，teɪtɪv]adj.有权威的；命令式的；当局的
例：He has a commanding presence and deep, authoritative voice.
他仪态威严，声音深沉而有权威。
04.inseparable[ɪn'sep（ə）rəb（ə）l]adj.[数]不可分割的；不能分离的
例：He firmly believes liberty is inseparable from social justice.
他坚信自由与社会正义是不可分开的。语法知识点Grammar Points
·Mankind has not found itself in a similar situation since the end of the Paleolithic age……
本句时态为现在完成时。现在完成时用来表示之前已发生或完成的动作或状态，其结果和现在有联系。动作或状态发生在过去但它的影响现在还存在；也可表示持续到现在的动作或状态。基本结构是：主语+have/has+动词的过去分词（p.p.）
·……to think something which I would not dare mention. Had I not already received the Nobel Peace Prize……“had I not already received……”虚拟语气的省略连词“If”。有时可将条件从句的连词if省略，但此时应用倒装句型，即将从句中的were, should, had等提到句首，如：Were I Tom, I would refuse.如果我是汤姆，我会拒绝。Had it not been for the bad weather we would have arrived in time.若不是天气坏，我们就准时到达了。经典名句Famous Classics
The accumulation of weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, today constitutes much more a threat than a protection for the future of mankind. Thus, it is evident that the time has come“to seek security in disarmament”.“武器，特别是核武器的积聚，在今天而言，对人类所构成的威胁远远大于对人类未来的保护”。因此，很显然我们已经进入了“在裁军中寻求安全”的时代。读书笔记
____________________________________________。02.Life Without Failure 人生没有失败背景故事
艾伯特·阿诺·戈尔（Albert Arnold Gore, Jr.1948年3月31日）曾于1993年至2001年间在比尔·克林顿执政时担任美国第四十五任副总统。2007年10月，戈尔和联合国组织政府间气候变化专门委员会共同获得了诺贝尔和平奖，理由是他唤醒了对气候变化所带来的危险意识。2000年总统大选失败后，戈尔于2000年12月13日发表了这篇演讲正式宣布败选。演讲赏析Life Without Failure
Good evening.
Just moments ago, I spoke with George W. Bush and congratulated him on becoming the 43rd president of the United States and I promised him that I wouldn't call him back this time.
I offered to meet with him as soon as possible so that we can start to heal the divisions of the campaign and the contest through which we just passed.
Almost a century and a half ago, Senator Stephen Douglas told Abraham Lincoln, who had just defeated him for the presidency，“Partisan feeling must yield to patriotism, I'm with you, Mr. president, and God bless you.”
Well, in that same spirit I say to President-elect Bush that what remains of partisan rancor must now be put aside and may God bless his stewardship of this country.
Neither he nor I anticipated this long and difficult road. Certainly neither of us wanted it to happen.Yet it came and now it has ended, resolved, as it must be resolved, through the honored institutions of our democracy.
Over the library of one of our great law schools is inscribed the motto，“not under man but under god and law.”That's the ruling principle of American freedom, the source of our democratic liberties. I've tried to make it my guide throughout this contest as it has guided America's deliberations of all the complex issues of the past five weeks.
Now the U. S Supreme Court has spoken.Let there be no doubt.While I strongly disagree with the court's decision, I accept it.I accept the finality of this outcome which will be ratified next Monday in the Electoral College.And tonight, for the sake of our unity as a people and the strength of our democracy, I offer my concession.
I also accept my responsibility which I will discharge unconditionally to honor the new president-elect and do everything possible to help him bring Americans together in fulfillment of the great vision that our Declaration of Independence defines and that our Constitution affirms and defends.
Let me say how grateful I am to all those who supported me and supported the cause for which we have fought. Tipper and I feel a deep gratitude to Joe and Hadassah Liebennan who brought passion and high purpose to our partnership and opened new doors not just for our campaign but for our country.
This has been an extraordinary election. But in one of God's unforeseen paths, this belatedly broken impasse can point us all to a new common ground, for its very closeness can serve to remind us that we are one people with a shared history and a shared destiny.
Indeed, that history gives us many examples of contests as hotly debated, as fiercely fought, with their own challenges to the popular will.
Other disputes have dragged on for weeks before reaching resolution. And each time both the victor and the vanquished have accepted the result peacefully and in the spirit of reconciliation.So let it be with us.I know that many of my supporters are disappointed.I am too.But our disappointment must be overcome by our love of country.
And I say to our fellow members of the world community, let no one see this contest as a sign of American weakness. The strength of American democracy is shown most clearly through the difficulties it can overcome.
Some have expressed concern that the unusual nature of this election might hamper the next president in the conduct of his office. I do not believe it needs be so.
President-elect Bush inherits a nation whose citizens will be ready to assist him in the conduct of his large responsibilities.
I personally will be at his disposal and I call on all Americans-I particularly urge all who stood with us to unite being our next president. This is America.Just as we fight hard when the stakes are high, we close ranks and come together when the contest is done.
And while there will be time enough to debate our continuing differences, now is the time to recognize that that which unites us is greater than that which divides us.译文参考
晚上好。
我刚与乔治·W·布什通过电话，祝贺他成为美国第43届总统，而且我也向他保证这次我不会再给他回电了。
我提议我们应尽快会面，以便消除在刚刚结束的竞选和辩论中产生的分歧。
一个半世纪以前，参议员史蒂芬·道格拉斯对刚刚打败他成为总统的亚伯拉罕·林肯说：“党派之争必须服从爱国主义。我支持你，总统先生，愿上帝保佑你。”
本着同样的精神，我要告诉总统当选人布什，现在我们必须搁置党派之间的积怨，愿上帝保佑他管理好这个国家。
无论是他还是我都没有想到竞选之道路竟是如此漫长而艰辛。当然我们也都不希望这样。但事情还是发生了，而且现在已经结束了，已经正式决定了，它必须通过崇高的民主机制来解决。
在我国一所著名法学院的图书馆里刻着这样一句格言：“服从于上帝和法律，而不是个人。”这是美国自由的主要原则，也是我们民主自由的源泉。我一直试着在竞选过程中践行这一格言，就像在过去5周里，它也曾指导美国对所有复杂问题的深入思考一样。
现在，美国最高法院已经做出决定。毫无疑问，尽管我不赞同最高法院的判决，但是我会接受它。我接受下周一选举团将会认可的结果。今晚，为了国人的万众一心和民主的力量，我做出让步。
我也会接受，同时无条件地履行我的职责，支持总统当选人，尽一切所能帮助他团结美国人民，实现《独立宣言》所描绘的、《宪法》所肯定和维护的美好前景。
请允许我向所有支持我和我们所奋斗的事业的人们表示衷心的感谢。我和蒂佩尔深深地感谢乔和哈达莎·利伯曼。他们为我们的伙伴关系带来了热情和崇高的目标，不仅为竞选也为我们的国家开辟了新的道路。
这是一场非比寻常的大选。但是，在上帝铺设的这条未知道路上，这个迟迟才被打破的僵局会把我们指向一个全新的共同的立场上，因为在这种局面中双方非常接近的竞选结果提醒我们，我们是一个民族，拥有同样的历史和命运。
的确，那段历史给了我们许多竞争的例子，比如说竞争者们带着他们对公众意愿的质疑进行激烈的辩论或者残酷的斗争。
其他的争辩在得到解决前往往要耗上几个星期。但是每一次，胜利者和失败者都会本着和解的精神平静地接受结果。因此，让这些精神与我们同在吧。我知道很多支持我的人都很失望，我也是。但我们必须用我们的爱国之心代替失望。
我要对世界上所有的人说，这次竞选不是美国软弱的体现。通过克服各种困难，美国民主的力量得到了最为清楚的彰显。
有些人担心，这次选举一反常态，可能会影响下一任总统的政策实施。我不认同这种顾虑。
新任总统布什所接管的这个国家的每一个公民都随时准备帮助他履行这一伟大的职责。
我本人愿意随时任他差遣，而且我要呼吁所有美国人，尤其是那些曾经和我同一战线的人们，团结起来支持我们的下一任总统。这就是美国。当困难重重时，我们奋力拼搏；当胜负已成定局时，我们摒弃门户之见，团结一心。
既然将来我们会有足够的时间辩论我们之间依然存在的分歧，此刻我们该认清一点：团结我们的力量比拆散我们的力量更能使我们国家强大。单词解析Words Analysis
01.anticipate[æn'tɪsɪpeɪt]vt.预期，期望；占先，抢先；提前使用
例：At the time we couldn't have anticipated the result of our campaigning.
当时我们不可能预期到我们活动的结果。
02.inscribe[ɪn'skraɪb]vt.铭刻
例：Some galleries commemorate donors by inscribing their names on the walls.
一些展览馆把捐赠者的名字刻在墙上以纪念他们。
03.finality[faɪ'nælɪtɪ]n.定局；终结；结尾；最后的事物；最后的言行
例：Young children have difficulty grasping the finality of death.
小孩子很难理解死亡的终局性。
04.concession[kən'seʃ（ə）n]n.让步；特许（权）；承认；退位
例：Farmers were granted concessions from the government to develop the farms.
农民已获得政府授权开发这些农场。
05.extraordinary[ɪk’strɔːdnri]adj.非凡的；特别的；离奇的；临时的；特派的
例：We've made extraordinary progress as a society in that regard.
我们社会在那方面已经取得了巨大进步。
06.hamper['hæmpə]vt.妨碍；束缚；使困累
例：The bad weather hampered rescue operations.
恶劣的天气阻碍了救助行动。语法知识点Grammar Points
·I offered to meet with him as soon as possible so that we can start to heal the divisions of the campaign and the contest through which we just passed.“so that”引导目的状语从句。目的状语从句是指从句部分是用以补充说明主句中谓语动词发生的目的的状语从句。表示目的状语的从句可以由that, so that, in order that, lest, for fear that, in case等词引导；目的状语从句的谓语常含有may, might, can, could, should, will, would等情态动词。如：You must speak louder so that/in order that you can be heard by all.你必须大点声说，以便让别人听清你说的话。
·Let there be no doubt. While I strongly disagree with the court's decision, I accept it.“while”引导让步状语从句。while引导的让步状语从句要放在句首，而且让步的语气比“though”，“although”等要弱。如：While I admit his good points, I can see his shortcomings.尽管我承认他的优点，我还看到他的缺点。经典名句Famous Classics
And while there will be time enough to debate our continuing differences, now is the time to recognize that which unites us is greater than that which divides us.
既然将来我们会有足够的时间辩论我们之间依然存在的分歧，此刻我们该认清一点：团结我们的力量比拆散我们的力量更能使我们国家强大。03.The World as I See It 我的世界观背景故事
阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦（1879.3.14-1955.4.18）犹太裔理论物理学家。1900年毕业于苏黎世联邦理工学院，入瑞士国籍。1933年因受到纳粹政权的迫害，脱离德国迁居美国，担任普林斯顿大学教授，从事理论物理研究工作，1940年写了一篇著名论文，“我不信仰一个人格化的神”。本文是他的一篇著名的演讲（节选）。演讲赏析The World as I See It
How strange is the lot of us mortals！Each of us is here for a brief sojourn；for what purpose he knows not, though he sometimes thinks he senses it. But without deeper reflection one knows from daily life that one exists for other people-first of all for those upon whose smiles and well-being our own happiness is wholly dependent, and then for the many, unknown to us, to whose destinies we are bound by the ties of sympathy.A hundred times every day I remind myself that my inner and outer life are based on the labors of other men, living and dead, and that I must exert myself in order to give in the same measure as I have received and am still receiving.I am strongly drawn to a frugal life and am often oppressively aware that I am engrossing an undue amount of the labor of my fellow-men.I regard class distinctions as unjustified and, in the last resort, based on force.I also believe that a simple and unassuming life is good for everybody, physically and mentally.
I do not at all believe in human freedom in the philosophical sense. Everybody acts not only under external compulsion but also in accordance with inner necessity. Schopenhauer's saying，"A man can do what he wants, but not want what he wants，"has been a very real inspiration to me since my youth；it has been a continual consolation in the face of life's hardships, my own and others and an unfailing well-spring of tolerance.This realization mercifully mitigates the easily paralyzing sense of responsibility and prevents us from taking ourselves and other people all too seriously；it is conducive to a view of life which, in particular, gives humor its due.
To inquire after the meaning or object of one's own existence or that of all creatures has always seemed to me absurd from an objective point of view. And yet everybody has certain ideals which determine the direction of his endeavors and his judgments.In this sense I have never looked upon ease and happiness as ends in themselves-this ethical basis I call the ideal of a pigsty.The ideals which have lighted my way, and time after time have given me new courage to face life cheerfully, have been Kindness, Beauty, and Truth.Without the sense of kinship with men of like mind, without the occupation with the objective world, the eternally unattainable in the field of art and scientific endeavors, life would have seemed to me empty.The trite objects of human efforts-possessions, outward success, luxury-have always seemed to me contemptible.
My passionate sense of social justice and social responsibility has always contrasted oddly with my pronounced lack of need for direct contact with other human beings and human communities. I am truly a"lone traveler"and have never belonged to my country, my home, my friend, or even my immediate family, with my whole heart；in the face of all these ties, I have never lost a sense of distance and a need for solitude-feelings which increase with the years.One becomes sharply aware, but without regret, of the limits of mutual understanding and consonance with other people.No doubt, such a person loses some of his innocence and unconcern；on the other hand, he is largely independent of the opinions, habits and judgments of his fellows and avoids the temptation to build his inner equilibrium upon such insecure foundations.
My political ideal is democracy. Let every man be respected as an individual and no man idolized.It is an irony of fate that I myself have been the recipient of excessive admiration and reverence from my fellow-being through no fault and no merit of my own.The cause of this may well be the desire, unattainable for many, to understand the few ideas to which I have with my feeble powers attained through ceaseless struggle.I am quite aware that it is necessary for the achievement of the objective of an organization that one man should do the thinking and directing and generally bear the responsibility.But the led must not be coerced, they must be able to choose their leader.An autocratic system of coercion, in my opinion, soon degenerates.
For force always attracts men of low morality, and I believe it to be an invariable rule that tyrants of genius are succeeded by scoundrels, For this reason I have always been passionately opposed to systems such as we see in Italy and Russia today.The thing that has brought discredit upon the form of democracy as it exists in Europe today is not to be laid to the door of the democratic principle as such, but to the lack of stability of governments and to the impersonal character of the electoral system.I believe that in this respect the United States of America have found the right way.They have a President powers really to exercise his responsibility.What I value, on the other hand, in the German political system is the more extensive provision that it makes for the individual in case of illness or need.The really valuable thing in the pageant of human life seems to me not the political state, but the creative, sentient individual, the personality；it alone creates the noble and the sublime, while the herd as such remains dull in thought and dull in feeling.译文参考我的世界观
我们这些总有一死的人的命运多么奇特！我们每个人在这个世界上都只做一个短暂的逗留；目的何在，却无从知道，尽管有时自以为对此若有所感。但是，不必深思，只要从日常生活就可以明白：人是为别人而生存的——首先是为那样一些人，我们的幸福全部依赖于他们的喜悦和健康；其次是为许多我们所不认识的人，他们的命运通过同情的纽带同我们密切结合在一起。我每天上百次地提醒自己：我的精神生活和物质生活都是以别人（包括生者和死者）的劳动为基础的，我必须尽力以同样的分量来回报我所领受了的和至今还在领受着的东西。我强烈向往俭朴的生活，时常发觉自己占用了同胞的过多劳动。我认为阶级的区分是不合理的，它最后所凭借的是暴力。我也相信，简单淳朴的生活，无论在身体上还是在精神上，对每个人都是有益的。
我完全不相信人类会有那种哲学意义上的自由。每一个人的行为不仅受着外界的强制，而且要适应内在的必然。叔本华说：“人虽然能够做他所想做的，但不能要他所想要的。”这句格言从我青年时代起就给了我真正的启示；在我自己和别人的生活面临困难的时候，它使我们得到安慰，并且是宽容持续不断的源泉。这种体会可以宽大为怀地减轻那种容易使人气馁的责任感，也可以防止我们过于严肃地对
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