作者：朱晓明
出版社：社会科学文献出版社
格式: AZW3, DOCX, EPUB, MOBI, PDF, TXT
上海法租界的警察(1910-1937年)(英文版)试读：
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中国政治学和比较政治发展理论是双向互动的关系。一方面，比较政治发展理论为中国政治的研究提供了概念、理论、分析框架和研究方法。改革开放以后，中国政治学的重建，一直依靠从西方的“取经”。在政治学的理论和概念上，当下中国政治学讨论的热门话题往往也是由比较政治学引入的（如“中产阶级”“社会资本”“公民社会”等）。现有对中国政治的实证研究，大部分依靠从比较政治发展理论推导出来的假设，在中国政治丰富的材料中，通过实证的角度进行证实或者证伪。因此，比较政治发展理论为中国政治的研究提供了多方面的养料。另一方面，由中国政治推导出来的经验、理论和方法，也促进了比较政治发展理论的创新和完善。现有的比较政治发展理论，主要基于西方社会的研究，其中往往隐含了一些未经言明的基本预设。这些基本的预设符合西方社会的实际，但是又不可避免地具有偏见和盲点。而基于中国政治研究的成果，可以有效对这些偏见和盲点进行反省，展开进一步的讨论，从而提炼升华出新概念、新理论和新的研究方法。
在今天这样一个全球化时代，中国政治发展如何处理好国际经验与本土经验的关系，如何在与其他国家和地区的政治发展比较中发现自身的优势和不足，如何从自身发展困顿中突围，在改革中加快行进的步伐，成为我国政治学界面临的新课题。一个与世界联系越来越紧密却又充满许多机遇和挑战的中国，比历史上任何时候都更加迫切地需要对其他国家政治发展有深入的体察，需要从全球比较政治的视野来观照自己的政治发展。
中国人民大学国际关系学院体察到这一情势，筹划、组织了“中国政治发展与比较政治”这套丛书，内容涉及政治学理论、比较政治制度、中国政治等学科领域，丛书作者大都是我院政治学系的中青年学术骨干，这套丛书是他们在自己相关学科领域的最新研究成果。其中相当大一部分是在他们博士学位论文的基础上修改、加工而成。经过我院学术委员会的推选，将陆续列入出版计划。学无止境，我们期望这套丛书的出版，能够增进政治学界的学术交流，为不断促进政治学的繁荣和中国政治发展作出有益的贡献。
中国人民大学在国内最早开展政治学的研究与人才培养，迄今一直保持为该领域国内最具优势地位的大学之一。经过几代中国人民大学政治学人的努力，中国人民大学政治学科形成了自己的鲜明特色。一是注重基础理论研究。政治学是一个理论性很强的学科，注重基础理论的研究，是中国政治学发展的基石。当下中国政治学研究中的基础理论研究薄弱，理论创新不足，没有形成自己的科学的政治学体系，对重大的现实问题没有提出有说服力的理论阐释。中国政治学必须下大工夫加强基础理论研究，创建自己的政治学体系。基于以上认知，中国人民大学政治学系围绕着政治学基础理论中的重大命题，如国家理论、民主理论、主权理论等进行了深入的研究和探索，取得了可喜的研究成果。二是注重现实问题研究。政治学本质上是治国安邦、经世致用之学，关注现实问题的研究是中国政治学的生命力之所在。政治学者应具有强烈的“问题意识”，紧紧抓住中国政治和社会生活中的现实问题，根据现实社会提出的要求，确定研究任务，为现实政治服务。中国人民大学历来就有理论联系实际的传统，政治学也不例外。在政治学研究中非常注重对当代中国政治发展中的现实问题进行深入研究，为党和国家提供决策咨询服务。
丛书的策划和出版得到社会科学文献出版社领导的大力支持。对此，我们表示衷心的感谢。本成果受到中国人民大学“统筹支持一流大学和一流学科建设专项”（原“985工程”）的支持，对此我们也深表谢意。
由于政治学在我国的发展时间不长，学科体系尚不成熟，许多基本概念和范畴也未能达成共识，作者的观点难免有偏颇之处，敬请专家、同行和广大读者批评指正。“中国政治发展与比较政治”丛书编委会2015年5月
Acknowledgement
Firstly, and most importantly, I would like to thank my dissertation director: Mr. Christian Henriot, for guiding me through my research. His trust, patience and professional academic guidance has seen me through the last five years, whenever and wherever I needed his help. He pushed me ahead whenever I lost courage, when I was lost amongst the numerous archives and written work, and when I was beset with family issues and academic problems. He is one of the most responsible and the best professors that I have ever met, and I am very grateful to him for being such a good and kind dissertation director.
I would also like to thank Mr. Xu Jilin, co-director of my dissertation, for his encouragement and support during the years. Without his help, I could not have completed this research.
My sincere thanks also go to the archivists in the Diplomatic Archives of Paris and Nantes, Shanghai Municipal Archives, Service Historique de la Défense, and Archives Nationales d’outre-mer, for helping me to search the catalogues and for delivering the archives, which formed the basis of my research.
I’d like to thank Madame Feng Yi, Madame Zhang Yu, Mr. François Guillemot, and MadameYamamoto Miyuki for helping me so much during my stay in the Institut d’Asie Oriental. I would also like to thank Clémence Andréys for helping me read the handwritten French archives; Isabelle Durand for making the beautiful maps in my dissertation; my dear friends Ni Xiaofang, Li Na, Xiao Qi and Ni Xiaoju for letting me share their small rooms whenever I stayed in Paris; and Dorothée Rihal, Lee Ju Ling, Sung Tzu-hsuan and Zhao Weiqing for their encouragement and thoughtful discussion during my writing process.
I would also like to thank the professors who helped a great deal during my research: Madame Jiang Jin, Madame Christine Cornet, Madame Xiaohong Xiao-Planes, Mr. Moullier Igor, Madame Marie Vogel, Mr. Jean-Marc Berlière and Mr. Emmanuel Blanchard. Thanks also go to Divya Castelino for her excellent copyediting. And, last, but not least, I would like to thank my parents and husband for supporting me unconditionally.
Abstract
Shanghai, a treaty port open to foreigners after the Nanjing Treaty, has been the subject for many studies not only for its abundant archives and research materials, but also its important role as the economic centre of China and a unique international platform where different cultures and political or social practices met and interacted.
Due to the existence of three different jurisdictions in the city (Chinese municipality, French Concession & International Settlement) with each following an individual trajectory in terms of institutional development, social regulation, and policing, Shanghai constitutes a very interesting place to observe the processes-and tensions, negotiations or compromises therein-that sustained the confrontation between ‘state’ and society, between competing ‘state’ powers, between China and colonizing powers.
The police in the French Concession was a police institution under the direct control of the French Consul in Shanghai. It was an important force designed to protect French interests in Shanghai and in China. It not only influenced modern Chinese politics but also played a significant role in constructing the urban space and culture of Shanghai.
The first chapter studies the legal bases of the police in the French Concession and the special context of Shanghai. By analyzing the relevant articles of Treaty of Nanjing, the Treaty of Whampoa, the Treaty of Tientsin, the Land Regulations and Règlement d’organisation de la Concession Française, the book establishes that the existence of police forces in the French Concession were not planned under the basic articles that regulated the foreign settlements in China and that the police came into existence at a time when Chinese local authorities were paralyzed during the Taiping and Small Sword rebellions in the city. The police came into being as a fait accompli. Shanghai witnessed rapid urbanization and population growth along with industrialization at the beginning of the twentieth century. As Shanghai became an important metropolis in China and beyond, many problems arose, including the rise of criminality, which brought new challenges to the police. The French police in Shanghai was also placed in the context of the French imperial network, as Shanghai became the most important French asset in China. Its police personnel came to be integrated with French colonial personnel, technology and information flows.
The second chapter concentrates on the evolution of police organization during the first three decades of the twentieth century. The French police went through several reforms under the leadership of Mallet, Fiori and Fabre, the three most important police chiefs in the French Concession. Mallet’s reform laid down the basic organization of the police, its militarization and the introduction of Vietnamese soldiers into the force. His far-sighted establishment of judicial identification in the Concession helped the French to synchronize with modern police techniques. During W.W. I, as most French policemen were mobilized and went back to Europe, the police went into a period of stagnation. The lack of European policemen led to the rise of Chinese policemen within the force. Fiori inherited this situation in 1919 and tried to take advantage of the Chinese connections between the police and the organized crime, which led to the controversial ‘pact with the devil’ and ultimately his forced departure in 1932. However during his eleven years of service, he upgraded police organization to cope with the new challenges in Shanghai and succeeded to reorganize the police into a more professional force by 1930. His successor, Fabre, cleaned up the ‘bad’ elements of the police and made several adjustments on the basis of the organization left by Fiori. The political functions and crime fighting abilities of the police were reinforced. At the end of this process, the police of the French Concession was fine and complex modern police force.
The third chapter examines the policemen themselves. The police were composed of officers from several nationalities, the four most important being French, Russian, Chinese and Vietnamese. Through a comparative study of recruiting conditions, training courses, salaries, welfare and job turnover, I establish that the police was a hierarchal institution based on a differentiated treatment according to race and nationality. The French policemen stood at the top of the pyramid, with the least number of heads, but the most influential powers as all the superior officers, chiefs and deputy chiefs had to be French. The French also enjoyed the best salaries and welfare conditions. The Russians were cheap white labor forces compared to the French and other foreign policemen and constituted the second highest class of the police. The Vietnamese and Chinese policemen are at the bottom of the pyramid and constituted the majority of the policemen in the Concession. The Vietnamese policemen were soldiers before entering police service and their military qualities and discipline were brought to the police defense abilities. They were also a double security to defend French interests in Shanghai in case Chinese nationalism spread to the Chinese policemen. The Chinese policemen were the lowest class in the police and enjoyed the lowest level of salaries and welfare. They lost their jobs very easily and their career as a policeman was quite short and unstable compared to the other nationalities.
The fourth chapter studies the Political service. From the 1920s to the 1930s, three historical currents swept over China—nationalism, communism and Japanese expansionism. All these three forces met in Shanghai and led up to the creation and development of the Political Service of the French police force. In 1927, after the rupture of the Chinese Communist Party and the Guomindang, the political police was formally instituted as a specific police department. It was reformed in 1930 and 1932 not only to take care of collecting information about the political, military, economic and social dynamics in China, but also to make arrests and deal in exchange of mutual interests. An agreement signed in 1914 with the Beiyang Government to extradite and arrest the individuals suspected of political crimes or offences helped the French Concession to obtain its last and largest territorial expansion. Suppressing the activities of the Guomindang in the French Concession at the request of local Chinese authorities in 1926 was a continuance of the 1914 agreement and a tactic for the French Concession to maintain good relationships with the local powerholders. When the Guomindang came to power, a close cooperation developed between the Chinese police and the police of two foreign settlements to hunt down at an unprecedented pace the underground communists. The Korean revolutionaries became a problem when the Japanese authorities asked the authorities of French Concession to take actions against them in 1925. The problem was solved to the advantage of Japan in exchange for Japanese cooperation over the Vietnamese revolutionaries in Japan.
Introduction
Today, the word ‘police’ refers to the civil organisation in charge of public order and safety. The words policia in Latin and policie in the medieval French come from the Greek ‘polis’, which means ‘the city’ [1]as well as ‘the art of governing the city’. Thus, the police are not only a political tool to govern the city, they are also a key to understanding the society within it.
The study and history of police have produced numerous books and articles. In France, as of 2002, there are already 2,000 books [2]about the police. Historians, sociologists and political scientists have used different ways and perspectives to study the history, sociological structure and political role of the police in a society. According to Monjardet, the sociology of police has three dimensions: it is an instrument controlled by those in power, it is a public service which is [3]needed by all, and it is a profession that develops its own interests. The numerous research studies about the French police could also be split into three major categories: the institutional history of police, the social history of police, and the history of professions of policemen.
The institutional history of police concentrates on the general development of police institutions. As this history was once always written by the policemen themselves or their advocates, there was a tendency to focus on police politics and/or the force’s ‘big players’, like Fouché, Vidocq or Robert Peel. Thus, the historical background only focussed on the institutional changes and ignored the historical and [4]political factors in the development of the police force. This bias was changed when police history started to be written by professional [5]historians.
According to Jean-Marc Berlière, compared to the well-developed studies on police in English-speaking countries, historical research on the French police was a ‘black hole’ in pre-1990s contemporary French historiography. French historians were more attracted by marginalised social groups like vagrants, prostitutes and the mentally ill. But the police seemed to be invisible to historians who studied social movement or society. Although police work, police reports and police interventions were usually cited, the actual subjects and authors of [6]these topics—i.e. the police themselves—were usually forgotten. It was in the 1990s when research about the French police became [7]systematic, yielding fruitful results. In turn, perspectives on police history diversified and the focus turned to the social history of police and the history of the professions of policemen.
The study of police was no longer concentrated on the centre (Paris police), also studied were police forces in Lyon, Toulouse, [8]Marseille and rural areas. The many different kinds of police forces [9]were also taken into account, like the Gendarme (police in the [10]countryside) and private detectives. The delicate relationship (complementary or competitive) between the police and Gendarmes in [11]the early twentieth century was also investigated by scholars; and comparative works on the different police forces in Europe also [12]emerged. Focusing primarily on England, France, Italy and Prussia, Emsley demonstrated that three basic types of police developed in nineteenth-century Europe: state civilian, state military and civilian municipal police. Individual states did not necessarily develop all three types, but governments everywhere sought to learn and/or borrow from the police systems and practices of their neighbours. Central governments were generally in negotiation with local government over policing matters, and were otherwise constrained by tradition and [13]finance.
The lives and everyday work of policemen are better presented within a social history perspective, through analysis and comparison of [14]the processes of professionalisation. The history of the police [15]techniques was one such approach. In the nineteenth century, police forces underwent modernisation with the aid of new scientific and technological developments which helped in the battle against crime. Police surveillance also developed further with the emergence of identification and remote recognition technology. The identity card became an instrument of this technology, used for social control over marginal groups (vagrants, deserters or pest-ridden people) or institutionalised spaces (army) before it was applied to the whole [16]population.
Due to the lack of archives and materials on the police of the Second Empire, most historical studies concentrate on the Third [17]Republic and Vichy police. Another popular topic for research was the Algerian war and the police surveillance of Algerians living in Paris.[18]
Although colonial police forces were significant agents of imperial power, they did not receive much attention from historians before the collective work of David Anderson, David Killingray, and other scholars.[19] A police force was the most public symbol of colonial rule—they were in daily contact with the population and enforced the codes of law which upheld colonial authority. The colonial policeman—be he [20]European or local recruit—stood at the forefront of colonial rule. The historical study of colonial policing remained an underdeveloped field until a number of books about policing within individual colonies and territories appeared. Some of these have been institutional histories about particular police forces, but most have been driven by the wider concerns of social history, and firmly rooted in the local history of the colonial experience. By examining policing as part of broader social, political and economic processes, writers such as Arnold (for India), Haldane (for Australia) and McCracken (for central Africa) have added a colonial dimension to English and European writing on the social history of crime, and the role of the state in seeking to prevent crime [21]and maintain social order.
Colonial policing differed from the English model applied in Great Britain, and was at the same time highly differentiated in its various colonies. The once often quoted assertion that Irish and Metropolitan models of policing determined developments in the colonies is [22]challenged by the case studies. In most cases, the reference to an Irish element in the structure and organisation of a colonial force served to highlight three distinctions not found in nineteenth or twentieth century English (or Scottish) police:
The police were, to some extent, organised along military lines (which meant they were armed).
They were housed in barracks and did not live among the community they served.
They were directed and centrally controlled as a national or territorial force.
The gulf between the rhetoric of theory and the reality of practice in colonial policing was, in many respects, striking. Most notably, whereas Ireland was heavily policed, the colonies were not. Single European officers frequently presided over huge tracts of territory, as well as large (if scattered) populations, with only a handful of locally recruited and often untrained constables under their charge. Less obviously, although many forces in colonial Africa adopted an RIC (Royal Irish Constabulary) structure of command and organisation, they did not follow RIC practices in training, method or development. Moreover, some colonial forces claimed to be organised on the basis [23]of English models, whilst others were deliberate hybrids. Colonial legislative codes were invariably hybrids—elements taken from England, as well as parts taken from other colonies—moulded by the [24]local political and social environments into which they were placed.
As David Anderson and David Killingray demonstrated, colonial policing is often best understood in its local environment, where the complex interplay between coercive and consensual models can be explored more fully. It is within this local contextualisation that the significance of the hierarchical relationships between indigenous police and entered populations, and between indigenous constables and non-commissioned officers, on the one hand, and expatriate officers, on the other, can be engaged. Furthermore, this is where racial attitudes and policies (varying both temporally and geographically) can be better understood. However, to analyse locally is not to downplay the significance of what Anderson and Killingray call ‘imperial linkage’: empires, whether British, German, Portuguese, or French, were complex networks. They were spiders’ webs of information and ideas in which officials (usually male) moved from post to post across ethnic and geographic boundaries, carrying practices from one to another, and from centre to periphery and vice versa, with long institutional [25]memories and collective experiences.
In the French Colonial Empire, colonisation was justified by the ‘civilising mission’ (mission civilisatrice), which formed a perfect bridge [26]between human rights (les droits de l’homme) and colonial power. This mission was used to spread missionaries, medicines and western education across the colonised countries, to ‘heal’ and ‘modernise’ the [27]spirits and bodies of the indigenous people. However, this civilising mission in the colonies was also a good excuse for economic [28]exploitation, racial segregation and political repression. ‘Modernity’ is a word invented by the western conquerors to justify their presence and role as leaders in the colonised world; in reality, it meant that all the indigenous or local culture, custom and practice had to be replaced by western ways. In practice, this modernity could not be wholly achieved, and there were always compromises which led to a mix of local culture and western practice. The transplantation of French police models into French colonial policing also encountered different local methods, which led to more of a continuation of traditional practices than a total break with the past. Local social, economic and technical structures were closely linked with colonial policing. Local police forces or local tribunal heads continued to be used as policing forces, while, at the same time, newly ‘liberated’ slaves or people from the lower classes were used to complement their numbers. The ‘warrior races’ (e.g. Sikhs in the British Empire, Sudanese in German East Africa, and Zulus in Portuguese Mozambique) were created to harness one [29]colonial race to fight on behalf of the colonial enterprise.
In China, during the late Qing period, before the modern western [30]police system was established, it was baojia (保甲), tuanlian (团练)[31][32] and luying (绿营) who maintained order in the city and rural areas. But, as the police in China’s foreign settlements performed well, and as officials who had visited western countries saw the benefits of modern policing in building a stronger government, a western police system was gradually established in China. In 1898, the Hunan baoweiju (Hunan Defence Bureau 湖南保卫局) was first established in Changsha, as a result of the Wuxu xinzheng (Hundred-days Reforms 百日维新). In 1901, in Beijing, the Gongxun zongju (Bureau of Public Works and Patrolling 工巡总局) was created, following the occupation of Beijing by the allied army during the Boxers’ Movement. In 1905, the Xunjing bu (Ministry of Police 巡警部) was set up in central government for the formal administration of [33]police affairs.
The first Chinese book on the study of the police (警察学) appeared in 1903, in Shanghai. After the Ministry of Police was established in Beijing (in 1906 and 1907), another two books about
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