宗教人类学(第4辑)(txt+pdf+epub+mobi电子书下载)


发布时间:2020-09-19 11:53:04

点击下载

作者:金泽,陈进国

出版社:社会科学文献出版社

格式: AZW3, DOCX, EPUB, MOBI, PDF, TXT

宗教人类学(第4辑)

宗教人类学(第4辑)试读:

著者简介

(按文章前后为序)

〔加〕欧大年(Daniel L.Overmyer),不列颠哥伦比亚大学(University of British Columbia)东亚系,荣休教授。

范丽珠,社会学博士,上海复旦大学社会发展学院教授,副院长。

张原,人类学博士,西南民族大学西南民族研究院副教授。

陈波,人类学博士,四川大学中国藏学研究所/人类学研究所副教授。

汤芸,人类学博士,西南民族大学西南民族研究院副研究员。

杨清媚,人类学博士,中国社会科学院社会发展战略研究院助理研究员。

梁永佳,人类学博士,中国农业大学社会学系教授。

王铭铭,人类学博士,北京大学社会学系教授。

张珣,人类学博士,台湾中研院民族学研究所研究员,副所长,台湾人类学与民族学学会理事长。

王霄冰,汉学博士,中山大学中国非物质文化遗产研究中心教授。

谢燕清,人类学博士,南京大学社会学院社会人类学研究所副教授。

徐天基,宗教学博士,台湾中研院民族学研究所博士后。

杨德睿,人类学博士,南京大学社会学院社会人类学研究所副教授。

〔日〕沟口大助,东京外语大学博士后。

〔日〕新里喜宣,东京大学大学院人文社会系研究科博士课程。

〔日〕小林宏至,日本首都大学人类学专业博士生。

〔日〕阿部朋恒,日本首都大学人类学专业博士生。

〔日〕河合洋尚,社会人类学博士,日本国立民族学博物馆研究员。

〔美〕Jon Bialecki,里德学院(Reed College)教授。

〔美〕Naomi Haynes and Joel Robbins,加利福尼亚大学圣地亚哥分校(University of California,San Diego)教授。

刘琪,人类学博士,华东师范大学社会发展学院人类学与民俗学研究所讲师。

鞠熙,民俗学博士,法国图卢兹第二大学宗教人类学博士后,北京师范大学文学院副教授。

孟慧英,宗教学博士,中国社会科学院民族学与人类学研究所研究员。

黄剑波,人类学博士,中国人民大学人类学研究所副教授。

孙璞玉,中国人民大学人类学研究所硕士研究生。

李金花,人类学博士,中国社会科学院世界宗教研究所博士后。

译校者简介

方静文,中国人民大学人类学研究所博士生。

刘正爱,中国社会科学院民族学与人类学研究所副研究员。

边清音,日本国立民族学博物馆博士研究生。

张晶晶,日本首都大学人类学专业博士、中山大学人类学系博士生。名家特约SPECIAL APPROXIMATIONSLocal Religion in North China in the Twentieth CenturyThe Structure and Organization of Community Rituals and BeliefsDaniel L.Overmyer

“For these three to five days,Dayidian is a joyful place for all,1men,women,old and young...Humans and gods share their joy.”For many hundreds of years,community festivals for the gods in rural north China have had their own forms of organization and institutionalization in temples and villages,with their own forms of leaders,deities and beliefs.Despite much local variation one can find similar temples,images,offerings and temple festivals everywhere,all supported by practical concerns for divine aid to deal with the problems of everyday life.These local traditions are a structure in the history of Chinese religions;they have a clear sense of their own integrity and rules,handed down by their ancestors.There are Daoist,Buddhist and government influences on these traditions,but they must be adapted to the needs of local communities.It is the villagers who build temples and organize festivals;Daoists and Buddhists and other specialists may be invited to participate if they are available,but only to provide what the people need and want.In the past,and even now in many places,all members of the community have been expected to participate and contribute,regardless of their class or economic status;local leaders and merchants have a special obligation to do so,to support the honor of the community and its gods.

Local Religion in North China in the Twentieth Century:The Structure and Organization of Community Rituals and BeliefsPreparations for a community ritual in Shanxi province introduce us to the organization required:

Several months before the sai festival proper begins the Chief Community Head (sheshou) invites all the other Community Heads and the accountants(zhangfangren)to gather at the temple,where after a meal they begin to decide on assigning tasks for preparations,so the sai activities are set.Next,the Community Heads cooperate with the Chief in beginning to raise funds,purchase or make[what is needed],write and deliver invitations,and arrange everything,because everything must be prepared and ready before the festival begins.Many assistants are involved in these activities.About ten days before the ritual begins,with the temple all properly arranged,increasing numbers of workers arrive.When all is as it should be,then all the Community Heads and Incense Elders go to the temple to burn incense for the chief deity and report to him,asking his permission for the villagers to conduct a three-day sai to congratulate him on his birthday and offer thanks for his kindness.They also ask the god to forgive them for any sins or mistakes they might commit during the 2festival.With this the sai rituals begin.

In addition to this kind of organization,the local religion on which such community rituals are based shares a common set of theoretical assumptions,its own ‘theology’,which is based on the belief that the living and the dead,gods,humans and ghosts are all connected by bonds of mutual influence and response.These bonds of mutual obligation are based on a moral universe in which righteousness,respect and destructive behavior eventually bring their own rewards.Promise,efficacious response and gratitude,disrespect,cheating and punishment;all of these are manifested in specific material ways and provide the basic assumptions underlying ritual.The human counterpart and stimulus for the efficacious response of the gods is sincerity,qiancheng,in prayers and offerings,sincerity based in faith that the gods really exist and can indeed respond.All of this is reinforced by the beliefs that the gods were once humans,that humans can still become gods,that deities and the dead can appear in dreams and can speak or write through spirit-mediums,and that the dead live in an underworld from which they can be called up or to which their living relatives can go in séances to see how they are.Through fengshui and intercession with the gods the natural world is also part of this system of influence and response.Siting of graves and buildings that recognizes and respects the flow of power in the landscape brings blessings;proper worship of the gods can bring rain or stop floods.It is this network of relationships that provides the underlying logic and coherence of local cults.

Local gods manifest flows of power that are believed to be beyond those of ordinary humans;they are present in their images,tablets or paintings,but are not fully encompassed by them,because at festivals they are invited to attend,and are ritually sent off at the end.They are invited to descend and sent back up,so they seem to have an undefined realm in the sky,beyond their earthly incarnations.They must also be ritually implanted in new images,which are powerless before their ‘eyes are opened’(kaiguang).They need respectful offerings of incense and food to elicit a positive response;the absence of such attention can lead to divine resentment and punishment.Some gods begin as the spirits of powerful,miracle-working persons,others are homeless ghosts desperate to be given a title and place of their own,to be located in the divine-human system.The coherence of this system resonates with patterns of relationships in local society,which are also based on reciprocal responsibility.Here society and religion are transformations of each other.

Chinese local religion is based on family worship of deities and ancestors on home altars but,as is indicated in the above quote,it also involves large-scale rituals participated in by members of the whole village or township community,on the occasion of what are believed to be the birthdays of the gods or to seek protection from droughts,epidemics and other disasters.In all cases these festivals invoke the power of the gods for practical goals,to ‘summon blessings and drive away harm’.These three-to-five day celebrations involve weeks or months of preparation,careful organization,the mobilization of large numbers of people,hiring outside specialists such as priests,spirit-mediums,various types of musicians and dramatic performers,coordinating activities with surrounding villages,and erecting temporary sheds for images of gods brought from elsewhere,as well as sheds for operas and food.The major ritual activity is processions carrying images of the gods through the villages involved;the components and routes of these processions need to be arranged in advance.In addition,merchants come from the whole area to display their wares on mats and tables beside the roads and in the temple area.The whole affair can involve tens of thousands of worshipers and onlookers,sometimes crowded so tightly together that one can scarcely move,as I can personally attest from observations in Hebei.

The focus of this book is on these community festivals in all their dimensions—ritual,social and economic—emphasizing their organization and structure and the beliefs and values expressed by them.Since most studies of such festivals have been based on evidence from south China including Taiwan this book is on local traditions in the north,one of the founding areas of Chinese civilization.This is an important distinction,because there are significant differences between aspects of local religion in the south and north,one of which is the gods who are worshiped.In her Changing Gods in Medieval China,1127-1276(Princeton,1990),Valerie Hansen’s discussions of local ritual traditions in the Southern Song period include lists of deities venerated,noting differences among southern local and regional gods and those related to Buddhism and Daoism.This last category includes Guanyin,Zhenwu,Lv Dongbin,and the God of Mount Tai;these deities,along with City Gods,Dragon Kings and Tudi Locality Gods are all found in the north as well.However,except for Tianhou,the goddess of sailors and fishermen,none of the local and regional gods Hansen names are found in the north,including the most widespread southern regional gods,Zitong,King Zhang and Wuxian,the“Five Manifestations”.In a list of ninety-two gods worshiped in Huzhou(Zhejiang),none of the local figures are noted in northern sources;not even Guan Gong is mentioned,by any of his titles!Western studies of Song society and culture tend understandably to emphasize the south,because that is where most of our sources are from,but evidence such as this reminds us that for a balanced understanding attention must be given to the north as well.

Until recently Chinese local religion has been ignored or disparaged by both Chinese and Western scholars as a confused congeries of diffuse superstitions,a residual category without any integrity of its own,discussed only in relation to the better-known traditions of Confucianism,Daoism and Buddhism.This long-established attitude is due in part to a distinction between“institutionalized”and“diffused”types of Chinese religions made by C.K.Yang in his 1961 Religion in Chinese Society,where he wrote that,“...institutional religion in the theistic sense is considered as a system of religious life having(1)an independent theology or cosmic interpretation of the universe and human events,(2)an independent form of worship consisting of symbols(gods,spirits and their images)and rituals,and(3)an independent organization of personnel... With separate concepts,ritual and structure,a religion assumes the nature of a separate social institution,and hence its designation as an institutional religion.On the other hand,diffused religion is conceived of as a religion having its theology,cultus,and personnel so intimately diffused into one or more secular social institutions that they become a part of the concept,rituals and structure of the latter,thus having no significant independent 3existence.”

C.K Yang’s otherwise excellent study has defined its field for the last fifty years,and I owe much to it myself,but this distinction simply applies to China a sectarian definition of religion derived from Christianity that is not relevant to the mainstream of Chinese religion,which has always been community based,inclusive and non-sectarian.Fortunately,in the last twenty years some scholars have come to understand local religion in a more integral way,with many excellent and detailed studies based on the south.The present study is an attempt to extend and further clarify this understanding with evidence from the north,to demonstrate that local traditions of ritual and belief are important both in their own right and as a foundation of traditional Chinese ideas,values and social relationships.These traditions are persistent and deeply institutionalized in their own ways,and do not deserve misleading comparisons based on the experience of other cultures.

In the north,most festivals had a three-part structure based on inviting,welcoming and seeing off the gods(qingshen,yingshen,songshen),with local variations.For the first step a list of the names of the gods being invited might be read in the shenpeng,the ‘god shed’,set up in the host temple courtyard,with altars arranged.Next a procession was formed of music and martial arts groups,portable tableaus with opera players or children portraying scenes from dramas,bearers of ritual banners and umbrellas,and sedan chairs carried by four or more men,all accompanied by firecrackers,front and rear.This procession first visited every temple in the village,perhaps beginning with that for the Locality God,Tudi,to invite the gods to descend from their seats and enter a sedan chair,to be taken to the host temple to enjoy the offerings and opera performances.(The images involved were smaller ‘traveling images’,xingshen,for use in processions.)Along the way villagers would set up small offering tables with fruit and incense to welcome the gods and benefit from their presence.If other villages were involved,as they often were,the procession would visit their temples as well,and then return to the god shed in the host temple courtyard,where the images would be reverently transferred to the altars,accompanied by incense and offerings from bowing worshipers.In these opening stages of the rituals such worshipers were usually the festival organizers and family heads from the host village.

For the second stage,welcoming the gods,the traveling image of the chief deity of the host temple would be brought out to the god shed to welcome its divine guests,again accompanied by incense,offerings,music,firecrackers,and the recitation of the names of the gods.The ritual proper,zhengsai,would then begin,with offerings,music,and the performance of operas for the enjoyment of both gods and people.At the end,the traveling images of the gods would be escorted back to their home temples in another procession.At this point the Community Heads might meet to choose the leader of the festival in the following year,usually by throwing divining blocks to see who received the most positive responses.So the relation between local gods and their devotees were strengthened and the life force(shengqi)of the community renewed.

Here are two of the more detailed examples of such festivals that I have learned of,the first a rain-seeking ritual performed in 1941 in Licheng county,Shandong,summarized by Anning Jing from a Japanese report.For this introduction I here omit the romanizations of Chinese terms in Jing’s account:

In 1941 it rained only twice before June.In early June the village leaders and elders had a meeting and decided to hold a rainmaking ceremony in mid-June.The dates,the responsibilities of the organizers and the financial contributions from the households were discussed.Three days before the ceremony the villagers adopted a vegetarian diet,and during this time brought their monetary contributions to the Temple to the Jade Emperor[sic]in the village,where the ceremony was to be held.Ritual objects to be used in the ceremony,such as a sedan chair,banners and drums,were prepared,and the names and duties of the main players were written on a poster pasted on a temple wall.The tasks and chores assigned to them were:1.financial management,2.composition of the petition,3.invitation to the god,4.preparation of the god’s sedan chair,5.use of firecrackers,6.serving boiled water(to people in ritual procession),7.fetching water(and fish from the White Spring to the temple)in a bottle,8.burning paper money(in front of the sedan chair),9.burning paper money and kneeling by the altar(for three days and nights),10.upholding the umbrella(over the god in the sedan chair),11.kneeling by the altar,12.following the god’s procession and kneeling(on the way and at the White Spring),13.handling the accouterments(such as pairs of dragon-head standards,tiger emblems,crescent axes,long knives,swords,clubs in the procession),14.god’s inspection tour after the rain,15.Ritual Master’s participation in the procession,16.handling the instruments(such as drums),17.handling the banners and streamers,18.collecting monetary contributions,19.temporary chores.

The most important task before the ceremony was the composition of the petition to the god for rain.This was assigned to five people known to be good writers,including the village school principal.After purifying themselves and changing into formal dresses[sic],they went down on their knees while accomplishing their task.In the petition they informed the god of the suffering the villagers were enduring during the drought,pleaded for rain,and 4promised to thank the god with richer offerings if rain fell.The largest and most complex north China community ritual I have learned of so far is the ‘Fan Drum Roster of the Gods’ ceremony performed in Quwo district,Shanxi,described by Huang Zhusan and 5Wang Fucai in Chinese and expertly summarized by David Johnson. This ritual is described in detail in the chapter of the present book on the leadership and organization of such ceremonies.During the first decades of the twentieth century it involved scores of performers over a period of three days,following a locally produced written text that provides both ritual instructions and the names of over 500 gods to be invoked,an elaborate arrangement of eight altars made of tables stacked on top of each other,and dances and processions led by hereditary ritualists representing twelve shenjia,translated by Johnson as‘godly families,’but perhaps better understood as‘specialists[in rituals]for the gods’.The description of this ceremony is sixty-nine pages long!This ritual complex began on lunar 1/15(the fifteenth day of the first lunar month),but preparations for it began on 12/8 with a planning meeting of lineage and community heads and shentou,‘heads of the gods,’the leaders of the‘shenjia’.Of this whole process we are told,“In the preceding year you must assign responsibilities and arrange and inspect the ritual implements and offerings for the altars.No mistakes are allowed.”These sentences remind us again of the discipline and planning needed for such large-scale activities.

David Johnson has written eloquently about Shanxi sai festivals he has investigated:

In addition to being old,the sai were also extremely large.The sponsoring community... was completely mobilized,since the tasks were many and the costs high.In addition to the rituals... theatricals and food offerings... there was also a huge procession,and often several smaller processions,which could wind for miles through the countryside.Thousands of spectators came from nearby villages and 6towns...In another article Johnson adds:

...the religious life of the Chang-tzu(Zhangzi)region is extremely rich and complex,even in the 1930s after generations of economic and social decline....

The sai... were religious ceremonies in which the villagers asked their gods for blessings and protection.They were the product of centuries-long local development that had brought them to an extremely high degree of complexity and elaboration....For Chang-tzu County alone I have the names of twenty-six sai,which probably involved over 100 villages....This means that on average,there was a sai somewhere in[this county]about once every two weeks....This density of ritual life is remarkable... one begins to see that the whole countryside... was saturated with public ceremonial....Because both ritual and opera were involved,and because the sai were so ancient and presented on such a grand scale,they must have been overwhelmingly the most important influence shaping the symbolic universe of the common people.It is quite impossible to understand what the Chang-tzu villagers and(presumably)their counterparts elsewhere in north China,thought and felt about the world of politics,about Chinese history and traditions,about the world of gods and demons,or about any of the grand matters of life and death,without 7a close familiarity with the sai and their analogues...

Given its assumptions and beliefs,the whole of Chinese local religion had its own forms of organization,structure and inner logic,forms that are particularly apparent in village temple festivals.

This book is based on studies and reports concerning Han traditions of villages and townships in the northern provinces of Hebei,Shanxi,Shandong and Henan,the main sources of evidence at this point,though some studies of local temples and rituals in Shanxi and other areas in the north will be referred to.In this area there are also some people of Manchu and Mongolian origin,as well as communities of Muslims and Roman Catholic Christians,but they will not be discussed here except for some evidence of possible Manchu influence on Han spirit-medium practices.The period covered here is also due in part to the availability of the evidence,from the late nineteenth century to about 1965,with an additional chapter on new developments from 1980 to 2005.The deeper historical

试读结束[说明:试读内容隐藏了图片]

下载完整电子书


相关推荐

最新文章


© 2020 txtepub下载