最有影响力的耶鲁演讲:汉英对照(txt+pdf+epub+mobi电子书下载)


发布时间:2020-10-18 03:15:44

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最有影响力的耶鲁演讲:汉英对照

最有影响力的耶鲁演讲:汉英对照试读:

耶鲁大学简介

耶鲁大学(Yale University)始创于1701年,坐落于美国康涅狄格州纽黑文市,是一所私立大学。

耶鲁大学是美国历史上建立的第三所大学,为美国常青藤联盟八大著名高校之一。

在耶鲁大学众多的学术精英中,有13位学者曾荣获诺贝尔奖。

美国最近三任总统都是耶鲁大学的毕业生,乔治·布什是耶鲁著名的秘密团体骷髅会的一员。克林顿总统则毕业于耶鲁大学法学院。《美国新闻与世界报道》国立大学排名第三位。

美国《新闻周刊》世界100强大学排名第三位。

校园建筑以哥特式和乔治王朝式风格为主,多数建筑有百年以上的历史,典雅、庄重。

强调对社会的责任感,追求自由和崇尚独立人格,蔑视权威被认为是“耶鲁精神”的精髓。

校训:Lux et Veritas(拉丁文,意为“光明和真理”)。演讲人简介:

Queen Rania(拉尼娅王后)

拉尼娅是约旦王后,被誉为阿拉伯世界的“戴安娜”

拉尼娅曾在苹果电脑公司开发部任职

拉尼娅是一位尽职的母亲,更是一位百分之百的超级名模和国际明星

拉尼娅意志坚定,认真热情,被誉为约旦妇女的典范、媒体的宠儿Speech 1Make Peace Come True, for Good让和平永远成真

President Levin, Dean Lorimer, faculty, students… thank you so much for making me feel so welcome here at Yale. I’ve wanted to come here for many years, and I’m so grateful to everyone for the hospitality and kindness you’ve shown to me and my staff.

I’ve really been looking forward to seeing the Yale landmarks that I’ve been hearing about for so long—the Beinecke Library… Harkness Tower… Old Campus… Peter Salovey’s moustache.

Oh, I’m sorry I didn’t make it quite in time for that last one! But everything else is even more impressive than I had imagined. This is a spectacular place.

Indeed, I have to admit, as I was preparing for this visit, I wondered what on earth I could tell you that you don’t already know. Yalies have won 17 Nobel prizes, 6 presidential elections, and even 2 Heisman trophies. You can choose from more than 2,000 courses… browse more than 12 million books in the libraries… make friends from more than 110 countries… and, as far as I can tell from the posters on campus, try out for 3,000 a capella singing groups!

So, rather than try to compete with all that, I thought I’d speak from my own experience.

I thought I’d offer an Arab perspective on my part of the world, and our hopes for peace and progress—especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

And I’m guessing, since you made the time to be here today, when you could have been doing something really important—like researching a paper, or visiting a professor, or calling your Mom to tell her how much you love her—that this is an audience that already cares about international relations.

But I realize that foreign policy isn’t typically a top concern for the American public—and especially not in a time of economic hardship at home. A poll earlier this year found that 75 percent of Americans agreed “terrorism” should be one of President Obama’s top priorities… but almost no other foreign policy issues made it to the top 20 list.

So I don’t expect that the Arab-Israeli conflict is foremost on most people’s minds.

Yet, in many ways, that conflict is at the core of U.S.-Arab relations— or, at least, at the core of Arab public opinion of America. When Arabs were asked, in a poll this spring, what two steps by the United States would improve their views of the United States the most, more than 40 percent said a peace agreement between Israel and Palestine. The same poll found that 99 percent of people put the conflict in their top 5 priorities… and one in three say the Palestinian issue is their number one concern.

That’s because for us, the occupation is a hurt we feel each day. In Jordan, nearly a third of our population are Palestinian refugees— Look at the people sitting on either side of you. Imagine one was a refugee forced to seek haven in your country because her family had been driven from their own. In Jordan we have to be concerned with the conflict because we’re living with its consequences. We don’t have the luxury of shifting our focus away.

We know as well that the crisis in Palestine does not exist in a vacuum. What happens in Palestine is related to what happens in Iraq, in Lebanon, in Syria. The longer the conflict in Palestine persists, the weaker the moderate majority becomes… the more extremists gain leverage they can exploit… and the greater the risk of instability throughout our region.

So we appreciated President Obama’s outreach in his Cairo speech. We appreciated his acknowledgement that the conflict remains a major source of tension between us… and his pledge to pursue a two-state solution with patience and dedication.

We appreciated the appointment of Senator George Mitchell as special envoy.

But we are impatient. When it comes to Palestine, time has not been a friend. To the contrary, sometimes Palestine seems like the land that time forgot.

You know, when I started college, back in 1988, Europe was divided. The United States had an existential foe called the USSR. Much of Latin America was ruled by juntas; South Africa by apartheid. Civil conflicts had been raging for decades from Guatemala to Northern Ireland. Nelson Mandela lived in a cell. And Palestine was under occupation.

These were the problems we used to describe as intractable, even insoluble. Yet hatreds have given way to handshakes. Prisoners have become presidents.

But not in Palestine. In Palestine, walls are going up, not coming down… four hundred kilometers to be precise. The decades have brought what feels like an endless parade of starts and stalemates… missed opportunities… shattered hopes… and diminishing returns.

And I’m not here to talk about blame. That doesn’t get us anywhere. It’s like tracing your finger on a Mobius Strip, going round in an infinite loop.

But coming from Jordan, I feel I must speak for those voices that Americans rarely hear… to describe the sense of “identity theft” that Palestinians have endured for over 60 years.

Because their pain is about more than the loss of their land… their olive trees… their livelihoods. Their grief is about more than being kicked out of the homes in which their families have lived for generations. As one scholar put it, land is the “geography of the Palestinian soul”. Their very understanding of who they are is deeply rooted in the context of their environment. So each new claim on their ever-shrinking space feels like a blow to their very existence. Having no place to call their own is like having no identity at all.

Think about it: When you enroll here at Yale, one of the first things you receive is your ID. It allows you access—to residential colleges… dining halls… the library stacks. It opens doors. It gets you in. It shows that you belong. And when you leave Yale, you get a piece of paper to carry with you: a diploma that gives you status before you ever have to say a word.

In the West Bank and Gaza, young people like you are given an ID as well. But this ID is not about access. It is only about limitation. It limits the boundaries of where they can go, what they can do, who they can be. It’s a constant reminder that in others’ eyes, they are less valuable… less important… simply less.

UN sources report that almost 40 percent of the West Bank is now covered by settlement-related Israeli infrastructure—barriers… buffer zones… military bases… barbed wire and barricades.

Parents can’t get to work. Students can’t get to class. Sick people can’t get to hospitals. All traffic is stopped, from people on foot to cars and trucks to ambulances. The wait can be hours, often only to find that passage is refused—relatives detained on their way to a family wedding… schoolchildren searched, their notes ripped from their schoolbooks… grandparents, forced to stand for hours holding packages and heavy bags.

The unpredictability, anxiety, and humiliation are as wearing as the delay.

And so much more than freedom of movement is lost when each day is defined by these checkpoints… with armed soldiers demanding, “Hawiya… ID… Hawiya… ID” Show me proof that you exist.

The degradation is compounded by the sense that no one cares… that the outside world is oblivious to the hardships Palestinians endure.

Especially in Gaza, where for two years, families have faced the collective punishment of blockade… and for three weeks at the start of this year, they were subjected to devastating attack—with nowhere to run and nowhere to hide… not even UN hospitals or schools.

Today, a million people—almost 70 percent of Gaza’s population—are refugees. Homes lie in rubble. Hospitals lack power. Sewage pipes threaten to burst. The economy has totally, utterly collapsed. Unemployment is approaching 50 percent.

One resident calls it “a jail where no prisoner knows the length of his sentence.”

And not one penny of the billions of dollars pledged for reconstruction has gotten through.

More than half the population of Gaza is under the age of 18.

Children did not create this conflict… but they are its greatest victims.

Just listen to the words of the four small children who were found by the Red Cross in January… in the shell-battered neighborhood of Zeitoun… clinging to their mothers’ corpses.

They couldn’t speak. They were too weak to stand. They hadn’t eaten for days… while the firefight raged outside the door… and their families died inside.

They were alive… but being alive is not the same as surviving. These children had nothing but their mothers’ love… and now they have lost that too.

And the worst threat of all is the cynicism so many people feel… the sense that Middle East peace is hopeless… that we’ll never find a solution.

Because if we throw up our hands and say, “This problem is too hard,” we’re not just writing off a “process” … or writing off a “road map”. We’re writing off people’s lives.

But let me be clear: it isn’t just the lives of Palestinians at stake. Israelis too need a future of peace and security.

They too need to be free of wailing sirens announcing an attack.

And they too need to grow up without the shadow of walls and watchtowers… for as a columnist for a leading Israeli daily wrote this spring, one of the casualties of occupation may be a healthy state of Israel itself.

So what must be done?

On the political front, we need courage, accountability, and action.

And we see signs of hope, as President Obama and his team invest their time and capital in breathing life into negotiations for two viable, secure, sovereign states.

We see signs of hope, as all 22 members of the Arab League have offered Israel full recognition in exchange for withdrawal to its pre-1967 border.

We see signs of hope, as brave people on both sides say they are ready to give peace a chance—64 percent of Palestinians, and 40 percent of Israelis, who support the Arab League plan.

Now, all sides must take responsibility for building on this momentum. And let me say clearly: That responsibility includes the Arab world. We decry the actions of Israeli extremists, but must work harder to rein in our own. We look to the West to do more in support of Palestinian needs, but must do our part and must press the Palestinians toward unity among themselves.

At the same time, as my husband His Majesty King Abdullah has said: “It is time for Israel to choose. To integrate into the region, accepted and accepting, with normal relations with its neighbors; or to remain fortress Israel, isolated, and holding itself and the entire region a hostage to continuing confrontation.”

And from America, too, we need sustained commitment… creative engagement… and leadership… to keep the parties on the path to peaceful coexistence.

But we need even more.

Because true peace depends not just on new lines on a map. It is not just the walls on the land that must go. We must take down the walls in our hearts. There has been so much pain, so much loss, so much fear, so much hatred and mistrust. True peace depends on reconnecting the bonds of our common humanity.

I was moved by something J. K. Rowling said in her commencement at Harvard last year. She said that humans have the unique ability to “think themselves into other people’s places” … to learn and understand new things they’ve never actually experienced.

And yet, many “choose to remain comfortably within the bounds of their own experience, never troubling to wonder how it would feel to have been born other than they are. They can refuse to hear screams or to peer inside cages; they can close their minds and hearts to any suffering that does not touch them personally; they can refuse to know.”

Rowling went on to say, “I might be tempted to envy people who can live that way, except that I do not think they have any fewer nightmares than I do… I think the willfully unimaginative see more monsters,” she said, “They are often more afraid.”

She is right. So often, we dread what we do not know. We live in fear of the things we cannot see, but we’ll never move forward by closing ourselves off. The only way to grow is to reach out.

To truly make peace in the Middle East or anywhere in the world, we all have to learn to think ourselves into other people’s places. To put ourselves in other people’s shoes. To make room for other people’s hopes and fears. For the more we can appreciate one another’s perspective, the more dimension and depth we add to our own.

And in many respects, that’s what a liberal education is all about. It’s about asking questions without prejudging the answers. Drawing lessons from other peoples’ experiences. Testing and refining our own values and beliefs. Developing the habits of an open mind.

When we shine the light of inquiry… broad-mindedness… and compassion… that is how we find our way to our own best selves. The more open we become, the more we find we can contain. It’s the “lux” that leads the way to “veritas”.

And when it comes to the Middle East, no matter how great the fears, no matter how deep the mistrust, if we shine that light, we are sure to reveal what has always, and will always, be true. There is no difference between the love Palestinians and Israelis feel for their children. No difference between their laughter or their tears.

We share one humanity. As one of my heroes, Desmond Tutu, likes to say, “We, all of us, have been made for goodness. We have been made for laughter… we have been made for caring, for sharing, for compassion; for we do indeed inhabit a moral universe and; yes, goodness is powerful.”

Yale, as the global citizens, we have a responsibility to one another. In our interconnected world, there are no zero sum games. We win or lose together. We all have a stake in peace and justice—for all of us are diminished by their absence. Let us work together, in the Middle East and around the world, to make peace come true, for good.

Thank you very much.汉语回放(赵倩 译)

莱文校长、洛里默院长、老师们、同学们,非常感谢你们如此欢迎我。多年来我一直希望有机会来耶鲁。感谢各位对我和我的随行者所表示的友好与热情。

久闻耶鲁大学许多地标性建筑的盛名,一直期待能够亲眼见到贝尼克图书馆、哈克尼斯塔、老校园、彼得·萨洛维的胡子等等。

很遗憾最后这个我没能见到,但是其他的建筑比我想象的还要令人难忘,这里是一个非常棒的地方。

其实,我得承认,在准备这次访问的时候,我一直在想,还有什么你们不知道的事情是我可以讲给你们的。耶鲁人曾获得17个诺贝尔奖,赢得六届总统选举,还获得两个海斯曼奖杯。耶鲁有两千多门课程可供选修,图书馆里有一千两百多万本书可供阅读,在这里可以与来自一百一十多个国家的人交朋友。从校园里的这些海报上,我知道耶鲁有三千个选拔出来的阿卡贝拉歌唱组合!

我想,与其和这些相比,我不如讲讲自己的切身经历吧!

我会就自己所在的环境,让大家了解一个阿拉伯人的观点,以及我们对和平与发展的希望,特别是对巴以冲突的关注。

我猜想你本可以做一些更重要的事情。比方说研究一篇论文,见一位教授,或者是给母亲打电话告诉她你是多么爱她。但是今天你们抽出时间来到这里,说明你们一定非常关注国际关系。

我知道,外交政策并不是美国公众目前最关注的话题,特别是在国内经济困难时期。今年早些时候的一项民意调查显示,75%的美国人认为恐怖主义问题应该是奥巴马总统优先考虑的事项之一,并且在民意调查的前20项里也没有其他关于外交政策的问题。

因此我并不指望阿以冲突能成为大多数人最关注的焦点。

然而从许多方面来讲,这个冲突是美阿关系的核心,至少是阿拉伯公众对美国的看法的核心。今年春天,在阿拉伯的一项民意调查当中,被问及美国最应该采取哪两项措施以改善阿拉伯人对美国的看法,超过40%的人认为是巴以达成和平协议。在同一项调查当中,有99%的人认为巴以冲突应当被列入前五个优先考虑的问题中,1/3人认为巴勒斯坦问题是他们关注的头号问题。

因为对于我们来说,这件事是每天都占据我们内心的一个心病。在约旦,巴勒斯坦难民占将近总人口的1/3。看看你身边坐着的人,想象他们中有一个是难民,他的一家被他人从自己的国家驱逐了出来,因此他迫切地想要在贵国寻求避难的地方。在约旦,我们不得不关注这场冲突,因为这与我们息息相关,想要转移注意力简直是一种奢望。

我们都知道巴勒斯坦的危机并不是孤立地存在着,在巴勒斯坦发生的事情与在伊拉克、黎巴嫩和叙利亚发生的事情都有联系。巴勒斯坦的冲突持续得越久,极端的力量就越强大;而极端分子能够获得的力量越大,整个地区的稳定局势所面临的危险就越大。

因此,我们感谢奥巴马总统在开罗的演讲中所谈到的拓展援助。我们感谢他承认这个冲突是我们使双方局势紧张的根源,并保证将会耐心地致力于寻求双方都满意的解决方案。

我们感谢乔治·米切尔被任命为特别公使。

但是我们非常着急,巴勒斯坦已经没有时间了。这里似乎是一个时常被时间遗忘的地方。

回想起1988年我上大学的时候,欧洲解体,美国面临着苏联这个不能忽视的敌人;拉丁美洲大部分地区由武装政权统治,南非则由种族隔离政策统治;从危地马拉到北爱尔兰,内部冲突激烈地持续了几十年;纳尔逊·曼德拉被关在监狱里;巴勒斯坦被占领。

过去,我们常常称这些是难以驾驭的,或者说是不能解决的问题。然而现在仇恨被和解代替,囚犯成为了总统。

但在巴勒斯坦却不是这样。在这里,墙没有缩短反而加长了,准确地说是40万米长。几十年的时间里,不断地开始,然后陷入僵局,反反复复,永无止境。机遇被错过了,希望破碎了,转机越来越小。

我并不是在指责什么,因为指责对我们毫无用处,就像是在用手感受无限循环的魔比斯环。

然而从约旦来到这里,我必须为那些美国人很少听到的言论辩护,表达巴勒斯坦人民忍受了六十多年的被“盗用身份”的感受。

他们的痛苦已经远不止是丧失了土地、橄榄树,还有他们的生计那么简单,他们甚至比被赶出他们曾经世世代代生活的家园还要痛苦。一位学者曾经说:“土地是巴勒斯坦人的灵魂,他们对自身的理解深深植根于他们生存的环境中。因此,每一次索取他们本已渐渐缩小的空间对他们的生存来说都是沉重的打击,没有一个属于自己的地方就如同没有身份一样。”

试想一下:当你被耶鲁录取,你首先得到的就是身份,它能让你使用宿舍楼、食堂、图书馆的书架,它打开每一扇门欢迎你,它表明你属于这个地方。当你离开耶鲁的时候,你得到了一纸文凭,无须多言,这文凭就表明了你的身份地位。

在约旦河西岸和加沙,像你们一样的年轻人也有身份,但这身份不是赋予他们的权利,而是对他们的限制。它划定了他们可以去什么地方,规定了他们可以做什么事情,还有他们可以成为什么人。这个身份不断地提醒着他们,在别人的眼中,他们没那么有价值,没那么重要,就是差那么一点。

联合国发表的报告中表明,约旦河西岸将近40%的地方被以色列相关安置设施覆盖——关卡、缓冲区、军事基地、带刺的铁丝网和防卫工事等等。

父母们无法工作,学生们不能上学,生病的人们无法就医;交通完全中断,无论是步行、驱车、运输还是急救都无法通行;通常等了个把小时只是得到了拒绝通行的答复;参加婚礼的亲人们耽搁在路上,学生们到处搜寻,连记笔记的纸都是从教科书上扯下来的,爷爷奶奶们被迫扛着行李和沉重的包袱站在那儿等上好几个小时。

难以预料的未来,焦虑和耻辱就这样在一天天的拖延中渐渐让人身心疲惫。

人们的行动自由就这样被日复一日的检查所剥夺,检查站里全副武装的士兵不断地要求以“身份”来证明你的存在。

这种潦倒的境况日渐加重,却得不到人们的关注。外界对这里的困苦置若罔闻,而巴勒斯坦一直在忍受着这一切。

特别是在加沙地区,这两年来,许多家庭面临着被集体封锁的折磨。今年年初的三周里,他们忍受着毁灭性的攻击——无处可逃,无处躲藏,就连可以躲避的联合国医院或学校都没有。

如今,有一百万加沙人是难民,这个数字占加沙总人口的70%。碎石瓦砾就是他们的家,医院没有电,下水管道随时都有爆炸的危险,经济已经完全崩溃,失业率将近50%。

一个居民称这里是“一个连囚犯都不知道要蹲上多少年的监狱”。

重建工程得不到一毛钱的拨款。

加沙一半以上的人口年龄在18岁以下。

这场冲突和孩子无关,可他们却是最大的受害者。

让我来说说这些孩子吧。今年一月,红十字会在泽恩图被炸得只剩空壳的破烂房子下面发现了四个孩子,当时他们正紧紧挨着他们母亲的尸体。

他们说不出话,虚弱得连站都站不起来,他们已经好几天都没有吃东西了。战火依然在屋外蔓延,而屋内他们的家人早已死去。

他们活着,但是活着并不等于幸存。除了母爱,这些孩子已经一无所有,可是现在,他们连母爱也失去了。

然而最可怕的是许多人那愤世嫉俗的想法,他们认为中东的和平没有希望了。那么我们永远都找不到解决的方法了。

若我们只是两手一摊,说:“这个问题太难了”,那么我们毁掉的就不仅仅是一个“进程”或是一个“和平路线图”,我们毁掉的是人们的生命。

那么我要说清楚,这不仅是巴勒斯坦人性命攸关的问题,以色列人也同样需要和平和安定的未来。

他们也同样需要远离宣战警报的生活。

他们也需要成长在没有高墙和守卫塔的阴影的地方。今年春天,一家以色列日报的专栏作家指出:在这场侵占中受损害最大的就是以色列的繁荣与兴旺。

那么我们要做些什么?

在政治方面,我们需要勇气、责任和行动。

奥巴马总统和他的团队投入了时间与资金,促进两国在确保主权独立的情况下实现安全的协商,并为这次有望实现的协商注入了生命,也让我们看到了希望的曙光。

阿拉伯联盟的22个成员国对以色列给予充分的肯定,促使以色列撤回到1967年前的边界,这让我们看到了希望的曙光。

64%的巴勒斯坦人和40%的以色列人支持阿拉伯联盟的计划,两国勇敢的人民已经准备好了要实现和平,这让我们看到了希望的曙光。

现在各方都肩负着责任,充分利用这种好的势头。我要说明的是,这种责任来自整个阿拉伯世界,我们谴责以色列极端分子行为的同时,也要加倍努力控制我们这方的极端主义行动。我们希望西方国家能够对巴勒斯坦的需求给以更多的支持,同时我们也会尽自己的力量,促进巴勒斯坦地区内部的团结统一。

与此同时我的丈夫、国王阿卜杜拉陛下也曾说过:“到以色列作出抉择的时候了,要么融入整个地区,彼此接受,并同邻国建立正常的关系。要么孤立地坚守以色列自己的堡垒,置自身与整个地区的安危于不顾,继续负隅顽抗。”

在美国方面,我们也需要持续地投入,创造性地参与及领导,使各方走上和平共处的道路。

但是我们还需要更多。

因为真正的和平并不仅仅依靠地图上几道新的界限,也不仅仅是拆掉几道墙,我们要拆掉的是我们心里的墙。曾经有过那么多的伤痛,那么多的失去,那么多的恐惧,那么多的仇恨和不信任。真正的和平取决于重新连接起我们共同的人性纽带。

J.K.罗琳女士在去年哈佛的毕业典礼上说过的话感动了我,她说:人类有一种叫做“换位思考”的独特的能力,能够使人学会并理解他们从未经历过的事情。

然而,有许多人“选择安于现状,不愿自省,他们闭目塞听,选择封闭思想和内心不让任何痛苦触及内心,他们拒绝了解”。

罗琳接下来说道:“我可能一时会妒忌那样活着的人,但我认为他们的噩梦不会比我少。我认为刻意不去想象的人会看到更多的怪兽。”她说“他们通常更加害怕”。

她说得很对,我们常常惧怕未知的东西,我们活在对看不见的事物的恐惧中。但是封闭自我就意味着永远停止不前,而成长的唯一道路就是去接触外界。

若要真正实现中东或世界上其他地方的和平,我们就都要学会换位思考,设身处地地为他人考虑,对他人的希望与恐惧要给予空间,我们越是懂得欣赏对方的观点,我们自身的度量就越大。

从许多方面来看,这也正是普通教育的本质所在,善于提出问题,对答案并不妄下结论。从他人的经历中获取经验,考验自己,并提炼出自身的价值与信仰,发展并培养一种开明的思想。

善于发问,心胸开阔,并且懂得怜悯,当我们散发出这样的光芒的时候,我们便找到了最好的自我。我们的思想越开明,就越懂得包容。只有光明才能引导我们走向真理。

当我们谈及中东的时候,无论恐惧有多么强烈,不信任感有多深,只要我们释放这样的光芒,真理之路将不言而喻。无论是巴勒斯坦还是以色列,他们对孩子的爱是相同的,他们的笑与泪是相同的。

我们有着相同的人性。我所崇敬的一位英雄——戴斯蒙·图图常说:“我们天性仁慈。我们懂得欢笑,懂得关心,懂得分享,懂得怜悯,因为我们生活在一个明辨是非的世界。是的,仁慈就是一种力量。”

耶鲁人,作为世界的公民,我们对彼此负有责任。在这个彼此紧密相连的世界上,没有所谓的“零和游戏”。我们同输赢,维护和平与正义我们人人有责。和平与正义缺一不可,无论是来自中东还是世界各地,我们大家共同努力,让和平永远成真!

非常感谢!演讲人简介:

Tony Blair(托尼·布莱尔)

1992年,布莱尔任内政事务发言人

1994年,布莱尔当选工党领袖。布莱尔是工党历史上最年轻的领袖

1994年,伊丽莎白女王二世封布莱尔为枢密院的一名官员

1997年5月任英国首相,成为自1812年以来英国最年轻的首相,后兼任首席财政大臣和文官部大臣Speech 2Cherishing What You Have Now, and Striving for the Future珍惜现在,把握未来

It is an honor to be here and to say to the Yale College Class of 2008: you did it; you came through; from all of us to you: congratulations.

This issues you must wrestle with the threat of climate change, food scarcity, and population growth, worldwide terror based on religion, the interdependence of the world economy, my student generation would barely recognized. But the difference today is they are all essentially global in nature.

You understand this. Yale has become a melting pot of culture, language and civilization. You are the global generation. So be global citizens.

Each new generation finds the world they enter. But they fashion the world they leave. So: what do you inherit and what do you pass on?

This history of humankind is marked by great events but written by great people. People like you. Given Yale’s record of achievement, perhaps by you. So to you as individuals, what wisdom, if any, have I learnt?

First, in fact, keep learning. Always be alive to the possibilities of the next experience, of thinking, doing and being.

So be awake.

Understand conventional wisdom, but be prepared to change it.

Feel as well as analyses; use your instinct alongside your reason. Calculate too much and you will miscalculate.

Be prepared to fail as well as to succeed, and realize it is failure not success than defines character.

I spent years trying to be a politician failing at every attempt and nearly gave up. I know you’re thinking: I should have.

Sir Paul McCartney reminded me that the first record company the Beatles approached rejected them as a band -no one would want

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