改变世界的名人:美好世界的领跑者(txt+pdf+epub+mobi电子书下载)


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改变世界的名人:美好世界的领跑者

改变世界的名人:美好世界的领跑者试读:

纳尔逊·曼德拉:自由之魂/Nelson Mandela, 1918~2013: Remembering an Icon of Freedom

By Richard Stengel译/阿诺在历史的漫漫长路上,总有些身影,走在芸芸众生的前面。你能否感受到,他们披荆斩棘的艰辛?你是否聆听过,他们向着美好的呼唤?你是否知道,是谁,为了一个群体的自由,甘愿献出自己的一生?是谁,曾用最尖锐的问题,让高高在上的总统先生无言以对?又是谁,无数次潜入千米的海下,探查珍贵而脆yy弱的海洋生态环境?现在,让我们放慢匆忙的脚步,看看他们的身影,听听他们的声音,也许,你会追随他们的脚步,成为美好世界的下一位领跑者……Born Leaders音频提起“自由战士”,你一定会想到纳尔逊·曼德拉。他是首位黑人总统,被尊称为南非国父;他是诺贝尔和平奖获得者,为人类文明进步做出巨大贡献。这些成就固然耀眼,但与他传奇的个人经历相比也依旧黯淡。他一生为自由而战,也因此失去自由27年。他历经苦难,凭借永不放弃的非凡毅力,领导南非人民废除种族隔离制度、建立民主南非、实现种族和解。他被选为最伟大的南非人,当之无愧。

Nelson Mandela was always uncomfortable talking about his own death. But not because he was afraid or in doubt. He was uncomfortable because he understood that people wanted him to offer homiliesabout death and he had none to give. He was an utterly unsentimental man. I once asked him about his mortality while we were out walking one morning in the Transkei, the remote area of South Africa where he was born. He looked around at the green and tranquil landscape and said something about how he would be joining his "ancestors." "Men come and men go," he later said. "I have come and I will go when my time comes." And he seemed satisfied by that. I never once heard him mention God or heaven or any kind of afterlife. Nelson Mandela believed in justice in this lifetime.

It was January 1993, and I was working with him on his autobiography. We had set out that morning from the home near Qunu, the village of his father, that Mandela had built after he was let out of prison. He had once said to me that every man should have a house in sight ofwhere he was born. Much of Mandela's belief system came from his youth in the Xhosatribe and being raised by a local Thembu King after his own father died. As a boy, he lived in a rondavel—a grass hut—with a dirt floor. He learned to be a shepherd. He fetched water from the spring. He excelled at stick fighting with the other boys. He sat at the feet of old men who told him stories of the brave African princes who ruled South Africa before the coming of the white man. The first time he shook the hand of a white man was when he went off to boarding school. Eventually, little Rolihlahla Mandela would become Nelson Mandela and get a proper Methodisteducation, but for allhis worldliness and his legal training, much of his wisdom and common sense and joy—came from what he had learned as a young boy in the Transkei.

Mandela might have been a more sentimental man if so much had not been taken away from him. His freedom. His ability to choose the path of his life. His eldest son. Two great-grandchildren. Nothing in his life was permanent except the oppression he and his people were under. And everything he might have had he sacrificed to achieve the freedom of his people. But all the crude jailers, tiny cells and bumptiouswhite apartheidleaders could not take away his pride, his dignity and his sense of justice. Even when he had to strip and be hosed down when he first entered Robben Island, he stood straight and did not complain. He refused to be intimidated in any circumstance. I remember interviewing Eddie Daniels, a 5-ft. 3-in. mixed-race freedom fighter who was in cell block B with Mandela on the island; Eddie recalled how anytime he felt demoralized, he would just have to see the 6-ft. 2-in. Mandela walking tall through the courtyard and he would feel revived. Eddie wept as he told me how when he fell ill, Mandela—"Nelson Mandela, my leader!"—came into his cell and crouched down to wash out his pailof vomit and blood and excrement.

I always thought that in a free and nonracial South Africa, Mandela would have been a small-town lawyer, content to be a local grandee. This great, historic revolutionary was in many ways a natural conservative. He did not believe in change for change's sake. But one thing turned him into a revolutionary, and that was the pernicioussystem of racial oppression he experienced as a young man in Johannesburg. When people spat on him in buses, when shopkeepers turned him away, when whites treated him as if he could not read or write, that changed him irrevocably. For deep in his bones was a basic sense of fairness: he simply could not abideinjustice. If he, Nelson Mandela, the son of a chief, tall, handsome and educated, could be treated as subhuman, then what about the millions who had nothing like his advantages? "That is not right," he would sometimes say to me about something as mundane as a plane flight's being canceled or as large as a world leader's policies, but that simple phrase—that is not right—underlay everything he did, everything he sacrificed for and everything he accomplished.

I saw him a handful of times over the past few years. He was much diminished. The extraordinary memory that could recall a particular dish at a dinner 60 years before was now such that he often did not recognize people he had known almost that long. But his pride and his regalbearing never left him. When he "retired from his retirement" (as he put it in 2004), I thought it was simply because he couldn't bear not remembering familiar things and he could not bear people seeing him in a way that did not live up to their expectations. He wanted people to see Nelson Mandela, and he was no longer the Nelson Mandela they wanted to see.

In many ways, the image of Nelson Mandela has become a kind of fairy tale: he is the last noble man, a figure of heroic achievement. Indeed, his life has followed the narrative of the archetypalhero, of great suffering followed by redemption. But as he said to me and to many others over the years, "I am not a saint." And he wasn't. As a young revolutionary, he was fiery and rowdy. He originally wanted to exclude Indians and communists from the freedom struggle. He was the founder of Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), the military wing of the African National Congress, and was considered South Africa's No. 1 terrorist in the 1950s. He admired Gandhi, who started his own freedom struggle in South Africa in the 1890s, but as he explained to me, he regarded nonviolence as a tactic, not a principle. If it was the most successful means to the freedom of his people, he would embrace it. If it was not, he would abandon it. And he did. But like Gandhi, like Lincoln, like Churchill, he was doggedly, obstinatelyright about one overarchingthing, and he never lost sight of that.

Prison was the cruciblethat formed the Mandela we know. The man who went into prison in 1962 was hotheaded and easily stung. The man who walked out into the sunshine of the mall in Cape Town 27 years later was measured, even serene. It was a hard-won moderation. In prison, he learned to control his anger. He had no choice. And he came to understand that if he was ever to achieve that free and nonracial South Africa of his dreams, he would have to come to terms withhis oppressors. He would have to forgive them. After I asked him many times during our weeks and months of conversation what was different about the man who came out of prison compared with the man who went in, he finally sighed and then said simply, "I came out mature."

His greatest achievement is surely the creation of a democratic, nonracial South Africa and preventing that beautiful country from falling into a terrible, bloody civil war. Several years after I finished working with him on Long Walk to Freedom, he told me that he wanted to write another book, about how close South Africa had been to a race war. I was with him when he got the news that black South African leader Chris Hani was assassinated, probably the closest the country came to going to war. He was preternaturallycalm, and after making plans to go to Johannesburg to speak to the nation, he methodicallyfinished eating his breakfast. To prevent that civil war, he had to use all the skills in his head and his heart: he had to demonstrate rocklike strength to the Afrikanerleaders with whom he was negotiating but also show that he was not out for revenge. And he had to show his people that he was not compromising with the enemy. This was an incredibly delicate line to walk—and from the outside, he seemed to do it with grace. But it took its toll.

And because he was not a saint, he had his share of bitterness. He famously said, "The struggle is my life," but his life was also a struggle. This man who loved children spent 27 years without holding a baby. Before he went to prison, he lived underground and was unable to be the father and the husband he wanted to be. I remember his telling me that when he was being pursued by thousands of police, he secretly went to tuck his son into bed. His son asked why he couldn't be with him every night, and Mandela told him that millions of other South African children needed him too. So many people have said to me over the years, "It's amazing that he was not bitter." I've always smiled at that. With enormous self-control, he learned to hide his bitterness.曼德拉在罗本岛监狱的牢房

And then, after he forged this new South Africa, won the first democratic election in the country's history and began to redress the wrongs done to his people, he walked away from it. He became the rarest thing in African history, a one-term President who chose not to run for office again. Like George Washington, he understood that every step he made would be a templatefor others to follow. He could have been President for life, but he knew that for democracy to rule, he could not. Two democratic elections have followed his presidency, and if the men who have succeeded him have not been his equal, well, that too is democracy. He was a large man in every way. His legacy is that he expanded human freedom. He was tolerant of everything but intolerance. He deserves to rest in peace.曼德拉在1994年当选总统后重回罗本岛

纳尔逊·曼德拉在谈到自己的死亡时总会感到不安,但这并不是因为他对死亡抱有恐惧或怀疑。他感到不安是因为他知道人们希望能从他那里听到关于死亡的教谕,而他却无以奉告。他完全不是一个多愁善感的人。一天早晨,当我们在他的出生地——南非边远的特兰斯凯地区一起外出散步的时候,我曾向他问起关于死亡的问题。他环顾着四周葱翠宁静的景色,谈到了自己将如何与“祖先们”相聚。“生命在世间来了又去,”他后来说,“我已来到这个世上,当我的大限到来时我就会离去。”对此他似乎感到心满意足。我一次都没有听他提起过上帝、天堂或任何有关来世的话。纳尔逊·曼德拉相信的是现世的公正。

那是1993年1月,我正在与他合作撰写他的自传。那天早上,我们从他位于库奴附近的家出发——库奴是他父亲生活过的村庄,出狱后他建起了这所房子。他有一次对我说,每个人都应该在看得到自己出生地的地方有一座房子。曼德拉的很多信念都来源于年少时在科萨部落的生活,以及在父亲过世后被当地的腾布王抚养长大的经历。小时候,他住的是圆顶茅草屋,脚下就是土地。他学会了放牧,会从泉中取水。男孩子们在一起用棍棒较量时,他是常胜将军。他曾坐在老人们的脚边,听他们讲在白人到来前统治着南非大地的英勇的非洲领袖的故事。他第一次和白人握手是在他离家去寄宿学校读书时。最终,小罗利赫拉赫拉·曼德拉会成为纳尔逊·曼德拉,会接受正统的基督教循道宗的教会教育;但尽管他修习过法律,也饱经世故,他的很多智慧和常识——以及快乐——都来自于童年时期在特兰斯凯所学到的一切。

如果不是因为人生中有太多的东西被夺走,曼德拉也许会是个更为感性的人。他失去了自由,也失去了选择自己人生道路的能力。他的长子和两个曾孙也先他而去。生活中恒定不变的只有他和同胞们所遭受的压迫。他牺牲了自己原本可以拥有的一切,投身到了为民众争取自由的事业中。但是,无论是粗暴的狱警、狭小的牢房,还是实行种族隔离政策的傲慢的白人统治者,都无法夺走他的傲骨、他的尊严和他的正义感。即使在初次进入罗本岛监狱时他被迫脱光衣服、任由狱警用水管冲洗他的身体,他依然站得笔直,没有叫苦。无论在任何情况下他都不会害怕。我还记得访问自由斗士埃迪·丹尼尔斯时的情景,这位身高五英尺三英寸的混血种人曾和曼德拉一起被关押在罗本岛监狱的B区。埃迪回忆说,每当他感觉意志消沉时,只要看到身高六英尺二英寸的曼德拉从监狱的院子里昂首走过,他就会再次充满斗志。埃迪流着泪向我讲述了在他生病时,曼德拉——“纳尔逊·曼德拉,我的领袖!”——如何来到他的牢房,蹲在地上为他清洗混杂着呕吐物、血和排泄物的脏桶。

我一直认为,如果南非是一个没有种族隔离的自由之地,曼德拉也许会成为一名小镇律师,满足于做一个地方上的显贵。这位具有历史意义的伟大革命者其实在很多方面是个天生的保守派。他不赞同为了改变而改变,但有一个原因促使他变成了一名革命者,那就是他年轻时在约翰内斯堡经历过的毒害社会的种族压迫制度。当别人在公车上向他吐口水,当商店店主拒绝他入内,当白人把他当文盲一样对待时,他被永远地改变了。因为他的骨子里有一种基本的公平感:他就是无法忍受不公。如果连他——纳尔逊·曼德拉,一位酋长的儿子,高大、英俊又有学问——都会被视为低人一等,那么成百上千万不具备他这样优越条件的人又会怎样呢?“那是不对的。”在谈论小到航班取消、大到某个世界级领袖制定的政策等话题时,他有时会这样对我说。而这句简短的话语——那是不对的——是他一切行动、一切牺牲和一切成就背后的原因。

在过去这几年,我见过他几次。他的身体状况已大不如前。他的记忆力曾经好到可以记起60年前某次晚餐中的一道菜,现在却经常连认识了近60年的人都认不出来。但是,他从未失去过自己的尊严和王者般的气度。当他“从退而不休的状态中彻底隐退”(他在2004年这样说过)时,我想那只是因为他无法忍受自己记不起原本熟悉的事物,无法忍受让人们看到一个有负众人期待的自己。他希望人们看到的是纳尔逊·曼德拉,而他已经不再是人们期望看到的那个纳尔逊·曼德拉了。

从许多方面来说,纳尔逊·曼德拉的形象已经成为了一种神话:他是世间最后一位高尚的人,是取得了英雄般壮举的人。的确,他的人生就像经典英雄故事里所描述的那样,在历尽苦难之后迎来了救赎。但正如他多年间对我和其他许多人所说,“我不是圣人”。他并非圣人。当他还是个年轻的革命者时,他脾气火爆,爱与人争吵。他起初曾想把印度人和共产党人排除在争取自由的斗争之外。他还创建了非洲人国民大会的军事组织“民族之矛”,并被视为20世纪50年代南非的头号恐怖分子。他钦佩在19世纪90年代的南非开展自由斗争的甘地,不过他向我解释说,他把非暴力运动看作一种策略,而非一项原则。如果这种策略是给南非人民带来自由的最好方式,他会欣然采用。如果不是,他会放弃。他确实这样做了。但就像甘地、林肯和丘吉尔一样,他在一件最重要的事情上始终顽固地坚守着正确的立场,并且从未忘记过这一点。

监狱这个熔炉塑造了我们所熟知的曼德拉。1962年入狱时,他是一个暴躁易怒的人。27年后,当他从监狱走出,走上阳光照耀的开普敦街头时,他已经变成了一个沉稳从容,甚至近乎安详的人。这样温和的态度来之不易。在狱中,他学会了控制怒火,因为他别无选择。他也开始明白,如果真的想把南非建成他梦想中那个自由而没有种族歧视的国家,他就必须与压迫自己的人达成和解,他就必须原谅他们。在长达数月的交谈中,我曾经多次问他,和入狱前相比,出狱后的他有什么变化。最后他叹息一声,然后简短地回答道:“出狱时我成熟了。”

他最重要的成就无疑是建立了一个民主的、没有种族偏见的新南非,并且阻止了这个美丽的国家陷入可怕、血腥的内战之中。在我结束与他合作《漫漫自由路》的几年之后,他告诉我说他想再写一本书,讲述南非曾经怎样处在种族战争一触即发的境地。当他得知南非黑人领袖克里斯·哈尼被刺杀的消息时,我就在他身边。那或许是南非最接近战争边缘的时刻。他表现得异常镇定,在做出前往约翰内斯堡向国民发表讲话的安排之后,他有条不紊地吃完了早餐。为了避免内战爆发,他不得不使出浑身解数:在与南非白人领袖谈判的过程中,他必须一边展现出磐石般的强硬,一边表明不会寻求报复的立场;同时,他必须向黑人同胞表明,他这样做不是在向敌人妥协。这件事处理起来需要如履薄冰——而在外人看来,他似乎应对裕如。但这个过程中仍然造成了一些伤亡。

因为他不是圣人,所以也会有凡人都有的痛苦。他曾说过一句名言:“斗争是我的生命。”而他的人生也是一场斗争。他爱孩子,却有27年的时间没有抱过孩子。在被捕入狱前,他过着地下工作者的生活,无法像他希望的那样尽到一个父亲和丈夫的职责。记得他曾经对我说过,当数以千计的警察追捕他时,他悄悄回到家中,照顾儿子上床睡觉。儿子问他为什么不能每晚都陪在他身边,曼德拉回答说,因为还有千百万个南非儿童同样需要他。这么多年以来,许多人对我说过:“他不觉得痛苦,真是了不起。”我总是报之以一笑。凭借着强大的自制力,他学会了把痛苦隐藏起来。

然后,就在他缔造了这个面貌一新的南非、赢得了南非历史上首次民主选举并开始着手纠正对黑人的不公正待遇之后,他选择了功成身退。只担任了一届总统就选择不再寻求连任,他成为非洲历史上绝无仅有的异类。和乔治·华盛顿一样,他知道自己迈出的每一步都会成为后来者效仿的榜样。他原本可以成为终身总统,但是他明白,为了建立起民主制度,他不能那么做。在他的总统任期结束之后,南非已经举行过两次民主选举。如果他的继任者没有他优秀,不管怎样,那也是民主。从各个方面来说,他都是一个了不起的人。他留下的遗产是他拓展了人类自由的疆界。除了褊狭的思想,他什么都可以宽容。他理应得以安息。

马拉拉·尤萨夫扎伊:凭着纸笔在战斗/Malala Yousafzai Has Become the Voice of Change

By Sally Armstrong 译/Cecilia Wei音频橄榄色的皮肤、浓密的眉毛、澄澈的目光……从外表上看,马拉拉就是一个平凡的巴基斯坦女孩。但就是这个普通的女孩从11岁起就为BBC撰写博文,揭露塔利班控制下的斯瓦特山谷地区民众的悲惨生活,呼吁女性捍卫自己接受教育的权利。她不畏强权,公然对抗塔利班的压迫,向世界发出声音。为表彰这个勇敢的女孩,联合国将马拉拉的生日7月12日定为“马拉拉日”。2013年7月12日,马拉拉在16岁生日那天登上联合国的演讲台,向世界传递革命的声音。

"They thought a bullet would silence us but they failed. Out of the silence came a voice: weakness, fear and hopelessness died; strength, power and courage were born."

Malala Yousafzai has become the voice of girls throughout the world. She is the epitome of the change that is sweeping nation after nation today. Only a few years ago we would likely never have heard her story. When the cowardly Talibanshot her in the head on October 9, 2012, for daring to go to school and speak up for girls' education, it wouldn't have been surprising if the people living in the Swat Valleydismissedthe news: "So what—she's a girl." Elsewhere, had we heard the story, we would have tut-tuttedand said, "How dreadful but it's the way they treat their girls. There's nothing we can do."

Instead, Malala's story made every newspaper in the world and every radio and television broadcast; people stayed tuned as news spread about where she was being treated and when she was being transferred first to Islamabad and then to London, England. In February we saw all the details of the cranialreconstruction surgery and the cochlearimplant the doctors would use to restore some of her hearing. I was in Victoria, B.C. when I had a call from a news agency—"Hurry," they said, "We need a news hit—Malala just got out of the hospital." Then in early March—she was in the news again. Sportinga little pink backpack, Malala was returning to school.

She had become the world's daughter. It was as though the citizens of Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas had lifted a curtain and suddenly saw the extraordinary stupidity of refusing to educate girls and the consequences of kowtowingto the extremists who claim they are acting in the name of God when they shoot 15-year-old girls in the head for their wanting to learn to read. Ban Ki Moon, Secretary General of the United Nations, said, "When the Taliban shot Malala, they showed what they fear most: a girl with a book." The economists have been claiming that educated girls can turn the economy of the village around. But more than that, the girls on the ground have found their voices—so have their mothers. In Afghanistan, the women refer to their illiteracy as being blind. One woman explained the seemingly bizarre connection: "I couldn't read, so I couldn't see what was going on." The thugsin power have used that ployfor centuries—keep the people ignorant so they can't see what's going on.巴基斯坦士兵将遭受枪击的马拉拉送往位于白沙瓦的医院

Malala can see. She has that elusive"it" factor—the one that combines strength and sweetness, resolve with vision. She wore the late Benazir Bhutto's scarf and brilliantly combined the Prophet Mohammed with Jesus Christ, Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela and Ghandi when she spoke in her straight forward, from-the-heart style at the UN.巴基斯坦的孩子们为马拉拉祈福

When Malala stood up on July 12 and said, "There was a time when women asked men to stand up for women's rights. This time we'11 do it for ourselves," she put the world on alert. Her army of activists was already at work in Kabulwhere young women for change is aiming to "alter the emotional landscape of Afghanistan." They claim that 67 per cent of the population of Afghanistan is under the age of 30. "We never started a war," says co-founder Anita Haidery. "We never fought a war. We hate these old customs. We want change and we have the tools to make change—Facebook and Twitter." And in Kenya 160 girls between the ages of three and 17 sued their government for failing to protect them from being raped and won the case. They won it for 15 million girls in Kenya. There are laws that criminalize rape in Kenya, but men have almost total impunity. The journey these kids took together was about girls who dared to bustthe taboo on speaking out about sexual assault. It was about kids who were told they had no rights but insisted that they do. And it was the push-back reaction every woman and girl in the world has been waiting for.

It's not just the new-found leaders like Malala who are driving change. The foot soldiersin this war against oppressors of women and girls are also marching. In India when Jyoti Singh Pandeywas raped to death by a bunch of hooligans in a bus, a curtain was also raised. Her legacy is that the brutal story ripped the lid off 50 years of secrecy about the status of women in India. As it turns out the fastest growing democracy in the world and the hottest economy needs to change the way it treats 50 per cent of its population. Now the women of India are on the street, demanding change. And the world is watching from a different lens.

"Thousands have been killed by the terrorists and millions have been injured. I'm just one of them," said Malala. "Here I stand, one girl among many. I speak not for myself but so that those without a voice can be heard. One child, one teacher, one book and one pen can change the world."

Like a modern day Joan of Arc, this now 16-year-old kid recovering from a bullet wound to the head got the attention of the world. She has the platform, and the world is listening. It's Malala Day.“他们以为一枚子弹会让我们沉默,但他们没能得逞。于无声处传来一个声音:软弱、恐惧和绝望不复存在;力量、动力和勇气已经诞生。”

马拉拉·尤萨夫扎伊已经成为世界各地女孩的代言人。她是如今正在席卷一个又一个国家的变革浪潮的象征。就在几年前,我们可能永远不会听说她的故事。2012年10月9日,卑怯的塔利班分子向她的头部开枪,因为她竟敢去上学,并公开倡导女孩接受教育。那个时候,如果生活在斯瓦特山谷的人们没把这条新闻当回事儿,说什么“那又怎么样,她是个女孩”,那也不算什么令人惊奇的事。在其他地方,如果我们听到了这个故事,我们可能只会咂两下舌头,说:“多可怕啊,但他们就是这么对待他们那儿的女孩的。我们也做不了什么。”

但这次,马拉拉的故事出现在全世界的每一家报纸、每一个电台和每一档电视节目上。人们持续关注着相关报道:她在哪里接受治疗,她何时先转院到伊斯兰堡,而后又转到英国伦敦的医院。今年2月(英文原文刊发于2013年),我们看到了马拉拉的颅骨重建手术和耳蜗移植手术的全部细节,医生将通过后者来恢复她的部分听力。当时,我正在不列颠哥伦比亚省的维多利亚市,忽然接到了一家通讯社的电话。“赶快,”他们说,“我们需要一个热门新闻,马拉拉刚刚出院。”然后,在3月初,她又出现在新闻中。马拉拉背着一个惹眼的粉色小背包,重返校园。

她成了全世界的女儿。仿佛亚洲、非洲、欧洲和美洲的公民揭开了一道幕布,突然发现了不让女孩接受教育的极端愚蠢性和屈从于极端分子的下场。这些极端分子声称,当他们因那些15岁的女孩想学识字而朝她们的头部开枪时,他们是在以真主的名义行事。联合国秘书长潘基文说:“当塔利班分子向马拉拉开枪时,他们就表明了自己最惧怕的是什么:一个手拿书本的女孩。”经济学家们一直声称受过教育的女孩能够扭转该村庄(编注:指斯瓦特山谷地区)的经济状况。而比这更重要的是,那里的女孩已经发出自己的声音,她们的母亲也同样如此。在阿富汗,女性将她们无法读写的状态比作失明。一名女性对这种看似奇怪的关联做出了解释:“我不识字,因而无法看明白正在发生的一切。”千百年来,掌权的暴徒一直使用这一伎俩——让人们处于愚昧无知的状态,这样他们就看不明白发生了什么。马拉拉与联合国秘书长潘基文

马拉拉看得明白。她拥有那种让人难以名状的特质——力量与甜美并存,决心与远见兼具。当她在联合国以她那坦率、恳切的风格发表演讲时,她巧妙地将先知穆罕默德与耶稣基督、马丁·路德·金、尼尔森·曼德拉以及甘地联系在一起。当时,她还围着已故总理贝娜齐尔·布托的围巾。马拉拉在联合国大会上发表演讲

7月12日,马拉拉站在那儿说:“曾有一段时期,女性请求男性来维护女性的权利。这一次,我们将自己维护自己的权利。”她的话让全世界开始保持警觉。她创建的一支积极分子大军已经在喀布尔开展工作,那里的“寻求变革的年轻女性”组织正致力于“改变阿富汗的情感状况”。该组织声称,阿富汗67%的人口都在30岁以下。“我们从未发动过战争,”该组织的创始人之一安妮塔·海德瑞说,“我们从未打过仗。我们痛恨这些旧习俗。我们想要变革,而且我们有实现变革的工具——Facebook和推特。”在肯尼亚,有160名年龄在3~17岁之间的女孩起诉了她们的政府,指控其未能保护她们免遭强奸,并赢得了诉讼。她们为肯尼亚的1500万女孩赢得了这场官司。尽管肯尼亚的法律将强奸判为犯罪行为,但男性几乎完全不会受到惩罚。这场官司对这些孩子们来说是一段旅程。在旅程中,他们敢于打破禁忌,讨论性侵犯的问题。在旅程中,这些被告知自己无权可言的孩子们敢于站出来坚持自己的权利。这是一种回击式的反应,是全世界每一个妇女和女孩一直都在期待的反应。

正在推动变革的不仅仅有马拉拉这样的新生领袖,在这场反对压迫妇女和女孩的斗争中,一些无名战士也在向前行进。在印度,当乔蒂·辛格·潘迪在公交车上遭一伙流氓强奸致死后,另一道幕布也被拉开。潘迪所产生的影响在于这一残酷事件揭开了一个被掩盖了50年的秘密,揭开了印度女性地位的真相。事实证明,这个世界上发展最快的民主国家和最热的经济体需要改变其对待自己50%的人口的方式。现在,印度女性走上了街头,要求变革。而全世界正透过一个不同的镜头在关注着。“成千上万的人被恐怖分子杀害,数百万人受伤,我只是其中的一员,”马拉拉说,“我站在这里,只是代表很多女孩中的一个。我不是为我自己发言,而是为了让人们能关注到那些没能发出声音的人。一个孩子、一位老师、一本书和一支笔就能改变世界。”

这个现年16岁、正在从头部枪伤中恢复的孩子就像是现代版的圣女贞德,获得了全世界的关注。她获得了一个平台,全世界都在聆听。这一天是“马拉拉日”。

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