不够知己(英汉对照)(图文版)(txt+pdf+epub+mobi电子书下载)

作者：温源宁

出版社：外语教学与研究出版社

格式: AZW3, DOCX, EPUB, MOBI, PDF, TXT

不够知己(英汉对照)(图文版)试读：

“博雅双语名家名作”出版说明

1840年鸦片战争以降，在深重的民族危机面前，中华民族精英“放眼看世界”，向世界寻求古老中国走向现代、走向世界的灵丹妙药，涌现出一大批中国主题的经典著述。我们今天阅读这些中文著述的时候，仍然深为字里行间所蕴藏的缜密的考据、深刻的学理、世界的视野和济世的情怀所感动，但往往会忽略：这些著述最初是用英文写就，我们耳熟能详的中文文本是原初英文文本的译本，这些英文作品在海外学术界和文化界同样享有崇高的声誉。

比如，林语堂的My Country and My People（《吾国与吾民》）以幽默风趣的笔调和睿智流畅的语言，将中国人的道德精神、生活情趣和中国社会文化的方方面面娓娓道来，在美国引起巨大反响——林语堂也以其中国主题系列作品赢得世界文坛的尊重，并获得诺贝尔文学奖的提名。再比如，梁思成在抗战的烽火中写就的英文版《图像中国建筑史》文稿（A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture），经其挚友费慰梅女士（Wilma C. Fairbank）等人多年的奔走和努力，于1984年由麻省理工学院出版社（MIT Press）出版，并获得美国出版联合会颁发的“专业暨学术书籍金奖”。又比如，1939年，费孝通在伦敦政治经济学院的博士论文以Peasant Life in China—A Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley为名在英国劳特利奇书局（Routledge）出版，后以《江村经济》作为中译本书名——《江村经济》使得靠桑蚕为生的“开弦弓村”获得了世界性的声誉，成为国际社会学界研究中国农村的首选之地。

此外，一些中国主题的经典人文社科作品经海外汉学家和中国学者的如椽译笔，在英语世界也深受读者喜爱。比如，艾恺（Guy S. Alitto）将他1980年用中文访问梁漱溟的《这个世界会好吗——梁漱溟晚年口述》一书译成英文（Has Man a Future? —Dialogues with the Last Confucian），备受海内外读者关注；此类作品还有徐中约英译的梁启超著作《清代学术概论》（Intellectual Trends in the Ch'ing Period）、狄百瑞（W. T. de Bary）英译的黄宗羲著作《明夷待访录》（Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince），等等。

有鉴于此，外语教学与研究出版社推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列。

博雅，乃是该系列的出版立意。博雅教育（Liberal Education）早在古希腊时代就得以提倡，旨在培养具有广博知识和优雅气质的人，提高人文素质，培养健康人格，中国儒家六艺“礼、乐、射、御、书、数”亦有此功用。

双语，乃是该系列的出版形式。英汉双语对照的形式，既同时满足了英语学习者和汉语学习者通过阅读中国主题博雅读物提高英语和汉语能力的需求，又以中英双语思维、构架和写作的形式予后世学人以启迪——维特根斯坦有云：“语言的边界，乃是世界的边界”，诚哉斯言。

名家，乃是该系列的作者群体。涵盖文学、史学、哲学、政治学、经济学、考古学、人类学、建筑学等领域，皆海内外名家一时之选。

名作，乃是该系列的入选标准。系列中的各部作品都是经过时间的积淀、市场的检验和读者的鉴别而呈现的经典，正如卡尔维诺对“经典”的定义：经典并非你正在读的书，而是你正在重读的书。

胡适在《新思潮的意义》（1919年12月1日，《新青年》第7卷第1号）一文中提出了“研究问题、输入学理、整理国故、再造文明”的范式。秉着“记载人类文明、沟通世界文化”的出版理念，我们推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列，既希望能够在中国人创作的和以中国为主题的博雅英文文献领域“整理国故”，亦希望在和平发展、改革开放的新时代为“再造文明”、为“向世界说明中国”略尽绵薄之力。外语教学与研究出版社人文社科出版分社

编者说明

The China Critic（《中国评论周报》，1928—1946）1928年5月在上海创刊，是民国时期归国留学生主持的一份英文周刊，在现代思想史、中西文化交流史上占有重要的地位。首任主编是哈佛大学毕业生张歆海，刘大钧、桂中枢也先后担任主编，参与编辑的有潘光旦、全增嘏、林语堂、钱锺书等知名学者。封面上“中国评论周报”的字样由蔡元培题署。

1934年1月，温源宁成为周报撰稿编辑（Contributing Editor）的一员。1月4日，第7卷第1期新开了专栏Unedited Biographies（人物志稿），前三期文章的传主和作者分别为：韩复榘（Yih Chang-mung）、马君武（陈达）、梅兰芳（梅其驹）。第4期传主是吴宓，作者没有署名，实为温源宁。

接下来各期的人物依次是：赵元任、溥仪、吴经熊、高君珊、胡适、冯玉祥、徐志摩、薛氏兄弟、周作人、林可胜、梁遇春、陈嘉庚、周诒春、顾孟余、褚民谊、叶公超。5月24日第21期停了一期，公告说此专栏下周易名。

5月31日第22期起，专栏改名为Intimate Portraits（亲切写真），并标明Edited by Wen Yuan-ning（为温源宁所编），这一期的传主是林文庆；第23期接着刊载了F. T. Wang为林文庆鸣不平的长函。之后的传主依次是：黄庐隐、王文显、凌叔华、朱兆莘、卢作孚、顾维钧、梁龙、伍连德、刘复、王德林、丁文江、辜鸿铭、吴赉熙、吴稚晖、顾静徽、杨丙辰、冯友兰、刘铁云、章太炎、周廷旭、陈通伯、孙大雨、梁宗岱、舒舍予、沈有乾、盛成、刘海粟和黎锦晖、李石岑、程锡庚。此专栏至1934年底结束。

1935年1月，温源宁挑出专栏51篇文章中的17篇结集（传主为吴宓、胡适、徐志摩、周作人、梁遇春、王文显、朱兆莘、顾维钧、丁文江、辜鸿铭、吴赉熙、杨丙辰、周廷旭、陈通伯、梁宗岱、盛成、程锡庚），取名为Imperfect Understanding，交付上海Kelly and Walsh Ltd.（别发洋行）刊行。1935年6月，钱默存（即钱锺书）在《人间世》第29期发表了一篇书评，首译书名为《不够知己》。

1988年12月，岳麓书社出版南星的Imperfect Understanding译本，书名为《一知半解：人物剪影十七幅》。2001年2月，辽宁教育出版社出版陈子善编的《一知半解及其他》，收入南星的17篇译文和温源宁几篇英文评论文章的中译。

2004年1月，岳麓书社出版了江枫的译本，英汉双语对照，收录43篇，添加注释以作背景资料，并附有林语堂的两篇译文。书名作《不够知己》。二、本书所收篇目、编辑工作的相关说明

本次外研社版的《不够知己》（英汉对照）采用江枫的译本。本书借重温源宁1935年版Imperfect Understanding的书名，但所收篇目已远超出温源宁当年的本子。编者按照所收篇目在《中国评论周报》上的发表时间重新编排次序，并详细注明刊载日期；个别篇目非温源宁所著，亦附有原作者署名，以供读者参阅。在呈现英文篇目完整原貌的同时，经江枫先生惠允，本版对译文作了进一步修订，并补充了部分注释。需要特别提出的是，江枫先生应编者要求特为本版补译的四篇文章（传主为马君武、溥仪、章太炎、舒舍予），是首次与读者见面。

书末收入该专栏另外四篇文章的英文原文（传主为韩复榘、梅兰芳、凌叔华、卢作孚），作者分别为Yih Chang-mung、梅其驹、费鉴照、Chang Hsu-lin，并附有林语堂发表在《人间世》杂志《今人志》专栏的《吴宓》、《胡适之》两篇译文，便于感兴趣的读者参阅。

虽殚精竭虑，亦或有不当之处，盼热心读者批评指正。

新版前言

但是，不把这几篇抽掉，既是因为这些同类短文，虽非温氏所作、却为温氏所编，并且也都刊在温氏所编专栏；还因为作为译者，我不忍割舍，特别是《王德林》篇，从中看不到尖酸刻薄，却有读之令人神往的幽默。何况，我个人初衷，本不是专为温源宁编译温源宁专集。

至于怎样判断确系温氏所作，除了温氏自己确认的那17篇，就只能是所收各篇，但凡没有足以证明并非温作的证据，均视之为温作。包括《刘铁云》篇，因为温源宁的编者注，只说明材料来源，却不曾说不是温作。

主要的修订，是根据外语教学与研究出版社责任编辑查找所得，补译了初版本的缺失，如《林文庆医生之二》，“为林文庆医生一辩”，由于最初收集材料复印疏忽而发生的漏译部分。新版还增添了几条对于文史知识不足的今日读者或有必要的注释。

不止一位热心的读者为改进译文提供宝贵的意见和建议，如果没有这种善意的帮助，比如说，我就想不出怎样正确理解和翻译Utopia College。但是，当人名涉及真实的历史人物，若无确凿的根据，便不可只凭想当然就轻易断定是与不是，尤其因为涉及褒贬，就只能留以待考。

作为双语对照读物，我注意到初版的英文文本也存在着缺陷和瑕疵，除个别篇章残缺，有些错讹，出乎意料，竟为《中国评论周报》原版文本所固有，而且，还有个别史实，记述有误。我们在这个修订本中都已一一订正，因此，也许可以说，这是一个较好的双语读本，虽然，很可能，犹有待于更进一步改进之处。

我向关心这个译本并为这个译本的改进作出了宝贵贡献的所有学者专家道谢，特别要感谢我的老友著名辞书学家黄鸿森先生。这个版本的修订成功，在极大程度上要归功于他对这本书，从正文到注释，从正误到行文，巨细无遗、细致入微的审读和基于渊博学识的慷慨建议。他的建议，涉及改进了的所有问题。

当然，如果没有外语教学与研究出版社的出版支持，没有吴浩先生及其同事的具体辛勤劳作，无论什么样的改进设想也只能是空想。

谢谢。2010年12月

关于《不够知己》补遗

最近又收到出版社发来从《中国评论周报》搜得“温源宁文8篇”，但是，其中4篇各有其他作者署名，只有其余4篇未见署名，所以我只补译了这4篇，译是译了，从文风判断，我仍不相信《马君武》、《溥仪》两篇确为温作，因为这位恃才傲物的海归才子自称必不用we，而且所议如对溥仪登基感受之猜度，缺乏才情。而真正的作者，目前还只能存疑待考。2011年11月29日

又据查考，《马君武》篇作者为C. T.（陈达）。2011年12月30日

初版译序

那17篇本的Imperfect Understanding曾被译为《一知半解》出版，以“一知半解”充作一个人物速写集的集名显然不够妥帖，现在这个足本中文版决定用《不够知己》作为书名。不敢掠美，这个书名原是钱锺书为那个英文原版撰写书评时所译。林语堂认为译得“雅切”。而且，因为《吴宓日记》的出版引起了文坛争论和争论各方的广泛引用，此书竟然已经成为“名著”，其中的《吴宓》篇已经成为名篇，于是《不够知己》也就成了定译。

本书作者在上个世纪三四十年代，也曾是文化圈内的一颗明星，但是对于今天的读者，如果不是因为他写过这四十多篇臧否人物的短文，如果这些文章不曾因为直接间接涉及吴宓和钱锺书并因此而在半个多世纪后的中国文坛掀起一场风波，也许已经被人们淡忘。但是，就凭留下了这样一本小书，他也是不该被完全遗忘的。

正如读者翻看目录就会发现的，此书所记四十多人，均非等闲之辈：既有身后流芳的文人学者，也有个别后来认贼作父的祸国殃民之徒。钱锺书在同一篇书评中，既说这些文章是“富有春秋笔法的当代中国名人小传”，又说“本书原是温先生的游戏文章，好比信笔洒出的几朵墨花，当不得《现代中国名人字典》用”。不管我们相信哪一句，至少，作为同代人之间的议论本身便具有某种程度的史料价值，特别是由于颇有一些都是作者朝夕相处的同事，个别人还是他的得意门生，因而被作者称为“Intimate Portraits”（“亲切写真”），哪怕只是他的“一面之词”。

作者温源宁，广东陆丰人，出生于1899年，是一名留英归来的法学博士。1925年任北京大学英文系主任。1927年任清华大学西洋文学系教授和北平大学女子师范学院外国文学系讲师。1928年5月，《中国评论周报》在上海创刊，林语堂为编委之一。1933年，温源宁南迁，也成了《中国评论周报》的编委，这些人物小传就是他这一时期主持专栏的成果。

1935年，英文月刊《天下》在孙科支持下创刊，温源宁任主编，林语堂、吴经熊、全增嘏、姚莘农（克）等任编辑，直到1941年太平洋战事爆发停刊。

1936年12月，多半也是由于孙科的提携，温源宁曾任立法委员。1937年抗日战争爆发后，任中国国民党中央宣传部国际宣传处驻香港办事处主任。1946年11月，当选为“制宪国民大会”代表。1947年6月，任驻希腊大使。1968年退休后定居台湾。1984年元月逝世。

林语堂的一个女儿描写她对温源宁的印象时说：“［他］是英国剑桥大学的留学生，回上海之后，装出的模样，比英国人还像英国人。他穿的是英国绅士的西装，手持拐杖，吃英国式的下午茶，讲英语时学剑桥式的结结巴巴腔调，好像要找到恰到好处的字眼才可发言。”（林太乙：《林语堂传》）

温源宁留给后人的文字，似乎也就是这么四十几篇人物小传了。那些“传主”，谁也不会单凭这些如讥似讽的素描或漫画而永垂不朽或是遗臭万年，却一定能通过他亦庄亦谐的描述在人间多留一份鲜活的音容形象，虽然果真是“当不得《现代中国名人字典》用”的，却可以成为任何一部正传或评传的生动插画。这些个性特征鲜明的文字所记所述，自然浸透了作者的主观色彩，一个踌躇满志的青年才俊放笔为文、幽默人间，当幽默只为了自娱甚或带上了某种哗众取宠倾向时，就很容易沦为刻薄，因此，就有了本书所收之第20篇，那是路见不平者的抗辩。事实上，真正像他笔下的林文庆那样一无是处而能当上一个大学校长的人，是找遍了全世界也难以找得出一个半个的。

当时便引起纠纷的虽不是《吴宓》篇，但是吴宓却已经由于那篇文章（温源宁的原作和林语堂的译文）而感觉受到了伤害，以至到了1937年2月，另一篇译文出现时还引发了他心头的新旧愤懑：“见《逸经》二十四期有倪某重译温源宁所为英文我之小传，而译其题曰‘吴宓：一个学者和绅士’，不曰‘君子人’。译笔亦恶劣。尤可恨者，编者简又文乃赘词曰：‘使吴君见之必欣然，谓生我者父母，知我者源宁也。’呜呼，温源宁一刻薄小人耳！纵多读书，少为正论。况未谙中文，不能读我所作文。而此一篇讥讽嘲笑之文章，竟历久而重译！宓已谢绝尘缘，而攻诋中伤者犹不绝。甚矣，此世之可厌也！”

而他在读到钱锺书的“Mr. Wu Mi & His Poetry”（《论吴宓之诗》）时，又想起了“其前半略同温源宁昔年‘China Critic’（《中国评论周报》）一文，谓宓生性浪漫，而中白璧德师人文道德学说之毒，致束缚拘牵。左右不知所可云云。按此言宓最恨。盖宓服膺白璧德师甚至，以为白师乃今世之苏格拉底、孔子、耶稣、释迦。我得遇白师……此乃吾生最幸之遭遇……至该文后部，则讥诋宓爱彦之往事，指彦为superannuated coquette，而宓为中年无行之文士，以著其可鄙可笑之情形……”“彦”，毛彦文女士，吴宓深心爱恋、寤寐求之、求之不得的梦中情人也。我还记得1946年在上海考大学时，曾见一家方型小报旧闻新炒，刊载当年毛彦文下嫁熊希龄故事的标题还用了“一树梨花压海棠”的比喻，竟然被指为superannuated coquette，而这几个洋文用大白话翻译过来就成了“年老色衰的风骚娘们”，吴宓读了当然要生气。

可见，尽管“本书原是温先生的游戏文章”（钱锺书语），却由于涉及真实人物的褒贬荣辱，至少是没有一个相关的当事人会把讥讽和嘲笑视为游戏的。今天我们翻译出版，自然也不敢视为游戏。尽管现今的翻译界，特别是以翻译理论家自居的一部分人，很有几位在以教授和“博导”的名义巧立名目、大肆鼓噪，反对忠实而提倡译文的“深化”、“浅化”和“增色”、“减色”，我们却不敢苟同。不自觉的偏离尚且会引发或加剧争吵、造成相关人士的锥心苦恼，有意识地添油加醋或偷工减料后果可想而知。因此，我们的翻译宁愿选择“株守”忠实，尽可能地亦步亦趋紧贴原文以避免歪曲和误解。

并且，为了弥补原作者议人论事之或有偏颇，也是为了便于读者较好地理解七十多年前的人与事，为了使得这些字数不多、典故不少、特别是充满了洋典故的文章变得好读一些，我们还尽可能附加注释以为背景资料。这个版本以英汉对照的方式问世，既是因为译者惟恐译笔或有讹误，可供读者或引用者能以原文为准，当然，也是为了便于有兴趣的读者对照阅读。同时，为了满足部分读者的特殊需要，我们还在书末附录了《吴宓》篇和《胡适》篇的林语堂译文。

而这本小书之所以能够以目前的形式问世，首先要归功于岳麓书社和敬业的刘果硕士费心策划、筹措，我之所以能够有幸参与其事，也是由于岳麓书社和小刘果的热情邀约和耐得心烦，我就借此作出如上交代的机会郑重道谢了。2003/8/7

NOTE

These attempts at an imperfect understanding of some people I happen to know are the fruits of idle moments. Their proper place is, of course, the wastepaper basket. But they have given pleasure to some friends; and it is at the latter's instance that they have here been brought together in book form.

I hope where no offence is meant, none will be offended. However, it is just possible that one or two may object to some of the things I have said about them. If so, I beg their pardon.

My thanks are due to Mr. Kwei Chungshu, editor of The China Critic, for his kindness in allowing me to reprint these papers, which first saw the light in the Intimate Portraits column of that journal.Wen Yuan-ning

Shanghai, January, 1935.

小启

有关于我偶然相识、难说深知的一些人士的这些文字，都是我闲来无事遣兴试笔之作，恰当的去处，当然是字纸篓，但是，有些读过的朋友很喜欢，正是由于他们的撺掇，才终于结集出版成书。

我无意冒犯他人，也不希望有任何人会被冒犯。然而，也还是可能会有一位两位对有关于他们的笔墨感到不悦。果如此，就只好请他们原谅了。

我要感谢《中国评论周报》主编桂中枢先生，是由于有了他的慨允，我才得以在这里使用最初全都是发表在该刊《亲切写真》栏内的这些文章。温源宁1935年1月于上海

MR. WU MI（吴宓）, A SCHOLAR AND A GENTLEMAN

Mr. Wu Mi is like nothing on earth: once seen, never forgotten. There are some people, one has to be introduced to a hundred times, and on the hundredth and one time one has to be introduced again. Their faces are so ordinary: no mannerisms, no "anything," just plain Jack, Tom and Harry. But Mr. Wu's face is worth a fortune: it is peculiar to the point of caricature. A head shaped like a bomb, and just as suggestively explosive, gaunt, wan in colour, with hair threatening to break out all over the face, but always kept well within bounds by a clean shave every morning, rugged, with very prominent cheek-bones and sunken cheeks, and eyes which stare at one like glowing coals—all this set on a neck too long by half; and a thin body, as strong and as little elastic as a rod of steel!

Head always erect, and back straight as a die, Mr. Wu looks dignity itself. He is proud of his scholarship, and his friends are just as proud to find in him one of nature's great gentlemen. Never mean, always eager to do a good turn to everybody, invariably misunderstood by both friends and foes, a little too trustful of other people's goodness and ability, and over-sensitive as regards the outside world's opinions of himself, Mr. Wu is never at peace, either with himself or with the world: if he is not distraught, he is furiously working. A great admirer of Goethe, he is as far from attaining the state of "ohne Hast, ohne Rast," as he who said, "Io fei giubbetto a me delle mie case (I made a gibbet for myself of my own dwelling)," is from ever attaining the state of grace.

Mr. Wu is one of those men, who never know what it is to be young. Actually on the right side of forty, he looks anywhere between thirty and a hundred. Always lenient in his judgment of others, he is Draconically severe on himself. A Confucianist himself, he suggests to us exactly what a Confucian scholar ought to be. Grave, taking life at its own face value and a little too seriously, with a deportment as unbending as it is "correct,"he is yet the least formidable of men.

Mr. Wu is a professor in the Western Literature Department of Tsing Hua University. Besides this, he used, until this year, to edit The Critical Review（学衡）as well as the literary columns of The Ta Kung Pao（大公报）.

Mr. Wu is everything that a teacher ought to be, except to be inspiring. Punctual as a clock, he works like a galley-slave at his lectures. Where others would read a quotation out of a book, he would memorise it, however long it might be. He is as orderly as a drill-sergeant in the exposition of any subject, with his "firstly this" and "secondly that." Dull, perhaps; but never pointless. He is not one of those teachers, who talk of everything and say nothing. What he says does mean something: it may be wrong, but at least it is not hot air. He never hedges about any point; he always puts his foot plump on it. In other words, he is never afraid of committing himself to an opinion. On matters of fact, especially of those facts which are to be found in encyclopaedias and books of reference, Mr. Wu is unimpeachable. One can only fairly quarrel with him on matters of taste or of interpretation. In these, Mr. Wu shows his weakness; but it is not a weakness, due to haziness or any failing in sincerity: it is a weakness, inherent in his point of view, which is that of a humanist—a Babbittian humanist, at that. It is a pity Mr. Wu has allowed himself to be lured into Babbittian humanism. As it is, all his views are coloured by it. Ethics and art get woefully mixed up. Often, one is puzzled whether he is delivering himself on a question of literature or of morality.

As an editor, Mr. Wu stands for everything that Dr. Hu Shih is against. The avowed aim of The Critical Review, which Mr. Wu started a few years ago, is to fight the Pai-hua movement, and to strive to maintain the old ways of writing. It is a losing battle, but the effort is heroic. It was no less heroic in Mr. Wu, when he was editing the literary columns of The Ta Kung Pao, to try to interest the literary world of China in the facts of Western Literature, rather than in its frills and trappings. Well, with very few exceptions, practically all the younger writers of China have decided to take the frills and trappings of Western Literature, and to let the facts take care of themselves. Facts, dates, learning: they are so dull and so difficult. What one wants now-a-days is to swim with the current, and to pick up whatever flotsam and jetsam one comes across— Dowson, Baudelaire, Valéry, Virginia Woolf, Aldous Huxley, and so on, ad infinitum. In the contemporary world of Chinese letters, to insinuate clumsily, as Mr. Wu does, that there is some value in studying Homer, Virgil, Dante, and Milton, is to invite derision.

A tragic and lonely figure! What makes Mr. Wu's case still more tragic is his complete misunderstanding of himself. He professes to be an ardent humanist and classicist; but by temperament, he is a romanticist through and through. So sincere, and so truly himself is Mr. Wu, that he allows everybody to see this, except himself! His admiration of Byron is no secret. He has even written a long Chinese poem after the manner of Childe Harold. A contradiction, but one that is perplexing to nobody but himself!

Whenever I think of Mr. Wu, I always think of his tortured smile, of his neat, clean, bare rooms in Tsing Hua, and of the beautiful, wild scene, just outside his curtained windows. It may be just my fancy, but I often think there would be less perplexity in his life, and less torture in his smile, if he would take down all the curtains from his windows, and see more of what is outside his rooms, or better still, abandon himself to the beautiful, wild scene out-of-doors.[No.4; Jan. 25, 1934]

吴宓先生，学者和君子

吴宓先生，举世无双，见过一次，永生难忘。有些人，需要别人介绍100次，到了第101次，还有必要再经介绍。他们的面貌太平常：没有一点特色，“什么”也没有，只是一副张三李四都可能有的平常相貌。吴先生的相貌却价值连城，怪异得就像一幅漫画。脑袋的形状像颗炸弹，也像炸弹一样随时都有可能爆炸；面容憔悴，脸色苍白，胡须几乎满面丛生，亏得每天早上都刮脸才显得中规中矩；脸上布满皱纹，颧骨高耸，两颊下陷，盯着人的一双眼睛像是烧红了的两粒煤球——这一切全都支撑在比常人长一半的脖颈上，瘦削的躯体活像一根结实、梆硬的钢条。

吴先生永远昂首挺胸，脊背笔直，看上去仿佛就是尊严本身。他以身为学者而自豪，朋友们也都认为他是天生一位了不起的君子而为之骄傲。他从不吝啬，总是想着要给别人以帮助，却总是被朋友也被敌人所误解；对别人的善意和能力过于轻信，对外界有关他的议论又过于敏感。无论是对他自己还是对整个世界，吴先生都不能相安无事。如果他没有心烦意乱，就一定是在发奋著述。他极其崇拜歌德，却远未达到歌德所称羡的“不慌不辍”的境界，就像说过“我把自己的住处变成我的绞架”的人那样永远也达不到天恩眷顾的状态。

吴先生是那种从不知晓什么是年轻的人。他实际才40岁开外，但是只看外表，从30岁到100岁，说他多大都可以。他评价别人总是从宽，对自己却严格到苛刻。他信奉孔夫子的学说，能使人们想到真正的孔门儒生应该如何作为。他端庄严肃，遇事认真而有点过分，有一副“理直”因而“气壮”的架式，却仍然是个最不会令人望而生畏的人。

吴先生目前是清华大学西洋文学系的教授。此外，直到今年为止，他还一直在主编评论性刊物《学衡》和《大公报》的文学副刊。

作为一般意义上的教师，吴先生无可挑剔，唯一的缺憾是少了一点启迪灵感的魅力。像钟表一样准时的他，讲起课来就像古罗马舰船上的划桨奴隶做工。在别人从书本上读出引文的场合，他宁愿背诵，而不论那段引文究竟有多长。讲解任何问题，他都像军训教官那样“第一这个”、“第二那个”，讲得有条不紊。或许有点枯燥，但是绝不可能言不及义。他不是那种什么都谈而唯独不说自家主张的老师。他言之有物：也可能说错，但是绝不空洞。他从不绕着问题走，总是直奔主题；也就是说，他不害怕为某种意见承担责任。关于事实的问题，特别是在百科全书和工具书中能够查到的事实性问题，吴先生绝对无懈可击。别人只能在有关于趣味或诠释的问题上和他进行某种争论。在这些问题上，吴先生显然有弱点，但不是由于糊涂和不诚实，而是他那种思想观点所固有的，一个人文主义者——而且是一个白璧德式人文主义者所固有的弱点。非常可惜，吴先生竟然会被白璧德式的人文主义所吸引而深陷其中。事实上，他所有的观点全都浸染上了这种理论的色彩。糟糕的是，伦理学和艺术被搅混在一起。因此，人们常会感到困惑，不知他是在谈论文学还是在谈论道德。

作为刊物主编，胡适博士所反对的，吴先生全都拥护。几年前吴先生创办《学衡》，公开宣扬的宗旨就是：反对白话文运动，维护传统的写作方式。这是失败的一战，然而却是英勇的一斗。吴先生为《大公报》主持文艺副刊的工作同样英勇，他试图通过这方面的努力来引导中国文学界更多地关注西方文学中的实质，而不是皮毛。是的，除去极少数的例外，几乎中国所有的年轻作家，都已经决定接受西方文学那些华而不实的皮毛，而对其实质不管不顾。史实、日期、知识，都太枯燥，而且太艰涩。如今人们想要的只是随波逐流，顺手捡拾一些无价值的琐碎之物——道森、波德莱尔、瓦莱里、维吉尼亚·伍尔夫、奥尔德斯·赫胥黎等等。在当代中国文学界，像吴先生那样不得体地暗示研读荷马、维吉尔、但丁和弥尔顿也有某种价值，就只能招人嗤笑了。

一个孤独的悲剧角色！尤其可悲的是，吴先生完全不了解自己。他自诩是个热诚的人文主义者和古典主义者；但是从气质上看，他却是个彻头彻尾的浪漫主义者！吴先生真诚，表里如一，他让每一个人都看到了这一点，却只有他自己没看到！他对拜伦的崇拜尽人皆知，甚至模仿《恰尔德·哈罗尔德》的风格写了一首中文长诗。一个矛盾，一个除了他自己谁都不难理解的矛盾！

一想起吴先生，我就总会想起他的苦笑，他在清华那几间精致、整洁而空荡的房间，还有他窗帘外面的美丽野景。也许只是我的痴想，但是我确实时常在想，如果他能拉开所有的窗帘，多看看屋外的景色，最好能投身旷野去享受一下户外景色的美，他的生活中就会少一些困惑，他的笑容里就会少一些苦涩。［第4期，1934年1月25日］

MA CHUN-WU（马君武）

According to the different versions of Who's Who in China, Chinese leaders are to be had by thousands. But of this number we are certain that none is more interesting than Dr. Ma Chun-wu—interesting in the sense that in him we find not only a co-ordinated development of many talents but also a harmonious combination of Eastern and Western ideals of a true gentleman.

To know Dr. Ma as a man of achievements in the ordinary sense of the word, the reader is referred to any one of the biographical sketches that are found in the various versions of Who's Who in China, English, Chinese, or Japanese. But the following high points may be noted. A native of Kweilin, Kwangsi, he was born in 1881 of poor parents. His father appeared to have died early, and as an orphan of nine, we already found him roving around in Canton and other southern cities, working out a future by and for himself. At times we were told that he had only one or two bananas for meals. But his thirst for knowledge even at this tender age proved even more irresistible than his hunger for food, and soon opportunities were opened to him where he could both study and work. Leaving the details for biographers to work out later, we are for the present satisfied to know that he finally found his way to Japan, the mecca at that time for those who were after new knowledge and revolutionary ideals. After graduating from the Kyoto Imperial University in 1906, winning honour and a degree in agriculture he went to Germany and joined the Technische Hochschule in Berlin where he won the degree of "Doktor Ingenieur" in 1915. Facts like these are certainly uninteresting in these days when college diplomas are to be had by carloads, but it will yet go down in history that Dr. Ma is the very first Chinese to earn degrees in agriculture and engineering, which, by the way, in comparison with other kinds of degrees, are to this day quite rare.

Dr. Ma has been precocious in many ways, and in political life, he has been no exception. Prior to the completion of his engineering course, he was already body and soul in it. He has been a follower and friend of Dr. Sun Yat-sen since his' teens and his early sojourn in Japan had some close connection with this happy relationship. His association with this great leader finally led him in 1911 to be elected representative of his province to Nanking to draft the provisional constitution. We remember having seen the enlarged picture of this group of worthies at Dr. Ma's home in Yanghang, a few miles from Woosung, in which Dr. Ma stood out as the very youngest. Like the provisional constitution which the worthies in the picture had helped to frame, the picture itself, we were once told by Dr. Ma, has been relegated to the realm of history since January 28, 1931. From 1911 onward and up to 1926, Dr. Ma led a very active political life, served the country in a variety of capacities, with official titles which all of us would like to possess if it were possible. Since 1926 when he first took up the presidency of the Kwangsi Government University, he seems to have evinced but little interest in politics. While still no less a follower of Dr. Sun, he has more than once denounced the party and party principles which Dr. Sun founded and formulated, and in no gentle terms.

But Dr. Ma is primarily a scholar. It appears that it was only youthful idealism that led him into politics in those early years. Soon after he had returned from Germany, he began to write and translate scientific works for Chinese students. He also rendered a number of Western classics into Chinese. For him there is no hurried work, for he soon acquired the habit of translating a thousand characters each day, whenever he is not travelling. As a result of this habit to which he still sticks today, he has succeeded in putting forth a great number of volumes the total weight and bulk of which would easily make the ox perspire and more than fill the attic, as the Chinese saying has it （汗牛充栋）. A few examples may suffice. Among the translated works, we find Darwin's The Origin of Species and The Descent of Man, J. S. Mill's On Liberty, Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Haeckel's Die Weltratsel, Rousseau's Du Contrat Social, and a number of important works in mathematic, chemistry, mechanics, mineralogy and other technical subjects. He also wrote textbooks on zoology and botany, and compiled a German-Chinese dictionary. He is a lover of literature; among his voluminous writings, there is a collection of his Chinese poems. We recall to have seen a translated version of Wilhelm Tell, also done by his hand. He is a well-known calligrapher; wherever he goes, people flock to him with ink and scrolls, and he complies with ease and pleasure.

While his scholarly and educational achievements appear weighty and formidable, his personal appearance is hardly impressive, certainly not in the sense that we would have inferred from his variegated and fruitful career. Always clad in native cloth, he looks almost rustic. He has a very straightforward temperament and has no patience with those whom he dislikes. His rusticity on the one hand and frankness on the other once conspired to produce the material of a very interesting anecdote. While serving as president of the Great China University, he had the pleasure of sitting together with two other Chinese passengers who conversed in English. He soon grew impatient and interrupted their conversation by asking what was the necessity for two Chinese to tete-a-tete in English, while the native tongue would serve equally well, if not better. What followed may be easily surmised by the reader. The dignity and amour propre of one who was able and modern enough to converse in English would not of course stand for such uncalled advice. A quarrel ensued and was on the point of leading to a fight when other passengers intervened and brought about peace, and it soon transpired that the offending party were really two English instructors in the University, whom Dr. Ma did not know, nor they recognized him as the president, being new in the office at that time.

Dr. Ma is a good dancer and knows the latest styles. He plays majong with a rapid hand, always taking up the new card without consulting the one to be discarded, true to the type of temperament we have just discussed. If he happens to be a loser, he would willingly stay up for the night, even though it is plain that in the end nobody really pays. He lives a very simple life. A lover of nature, in his house in Yanghang he used to be surrounded by all sorts of pets and cultivated plants. Amid a great number of hives he could look up and pick out the queen bee for you. He even cultivated strawberries. When he gave you a feast, he would let you know that all that you were given to eat were the product of the labour that himself and his much devoted wife had spent.C. T.[No. 2; Jan. 11, 1934]

马君武

根据各种不同版本《中国名人录》之所录统计，中国名人可有数千之众，但是可以肯定，其中最引人关注的莫过于马君武博士——引人关注，是因为他不仅具有均衡发展的多种才能，还体现着东西方有关真君子或真绅士理想的和谐融合。

要了解一个平常意义上的名人马博士，可以查看任何一本中文、英文或是日文《中国名人录》上的生平简介。但是，可以指出如下一些值得注意之处。1881年，他出生在广西桂林一个贫苦家庭。父亲显然死得很早，9岁成为孤儿，就已经漂泊在广州和南方其他一些城市，出卖劳力谋生。据说，有时他每顿只吃一两根香蕉。但是，在这样幼小的年纪，他渴求知识的心愿，甚至比觅食疗饥的欲望，更加难以抗拒。不久，就遇到了既可以学习又能够工作的机会。有些传记作家关心的细节，不妨留待以后研究，暂时，我们知道他终于有办法来到日本也就够了。日本，曾是当年革命理想和新知识寻求者的麦加。1906年，毕业于京都帝国大学，获得农业学位后，赴德国，入柏林工业大学，1915年，获得“工学博士”学位。像这样一些事实，在学位证书可以用车拉的近来这些日子里，是引不起人们关注的，但是仍然值得载入史册，因为马博士是获得农学和工学学位的中国第一人。附带说一句，这种学位，和其他种类的学位相比，至今也不多见。

马博士在许多方面都显得早熟，政治生活也不例外。早在他完成工学的课程以前，他已经身心俱在其中。他从十几岁起就是孙逸仙博士的追随者和朋友，早年逗留日本期间有幸与孙博士建立了某种亲密的关系。和这位伟大领袖的关系导致辛亥革命后他作为广西代表来到南京参与《临时约法》的起草工作。我们还记得曾看到过，这一群要人在离吴淞不远的杨行马博士家中拍的一张放大照片，其中，马博士作为最年轻的一员而显得突出。就像那张照片里的要人们协助制定的《临时约法》一样，马博士告诉我们，自从1931年1月28日以来，那张照片本身，也已经进入历史。从1911年到1926年，马博士度过一段非常活跃的政治生活，以各种不同的身份报效国家，他的那些官衔全都是我们想要的——如果可能的话。从1926年第一次担任省立广西大学校长起，他的表现好像已对政治不感兴趣。虽然依旧是孙博士的信徒，但是，不止一次，他曾以毫不委婉的措辞，谴责孙博士所缔造的党、所制定的方针。

但是，马博士首先是一位学者。早年驱使他投身政治的，好像只是年轻人的理想主义。他自德国归来不久，便开始为学生撰写和翻译科学书籍。他还把不少西方文学典籍翻译成中文。他已经没有什么急事要办，他养成了只要不旅行，每天都要译一千字的习惯。由于直到如今还在坚持的这种习惯，他译著数量之大，就像中国人所说，已经达到汗牛充栋的地步。略举几例就够了。在翻译作品中，有达尔文的《物种原始》和《人的世系》，弥勒约翰的《自由原理》、斯宾塞的《社会学原理》、海克尔的《宇宙之谜》，卢梭的《民约论》，以及一大批重要的数学、化学、机械学、矿物学和其他技术学科著作。他还撰写了动物学和植物学的教科书，并且编纂了一部德汉词典。他热爱文学，在他卷帙浩繁的著作中，有一集是他的中文诗。我们还记得看到过《威廉·退而》的一个译本，也出自他的手笔。他还是著名的书法家，无论他走到哪里，都会有成群的人带着笔墨和纸来找他，他总是轻松愉快地满足要求。

尽管他在学术和教育方面取得了显然是重大而令人敬畏的成就，但是从外表是看不出来的，从他色彩缤纷、硕果累累的业绩，很难推想出他会给人的印象。总是一身土布衣服，看上去几乎就是乡下佬。他有非常直率的脾气，对讨厌的人毫无耐心。他那一身土气，加上坦诚的性格，有一次引出了一起趣事。在担任大夏大学校长期间，他曾有幸和两个用英语交谈的乘客同坐一起。很快，他就变得不耐烦而打断他们的谈话，问他们，有什么必要用英语交谈，如果本国语言同样好用，即使不更好用。读者不难想象接下去会发生什么。一个人，如果有点才能而又时髦到能用英语交谈，其自尊和自爱都不会容忍这种不请自来的忠告。随后的争吵发展到就要打起来的时候，别的乘客出面调解，平息了这场纷争。不久，人们得知，令他不快的一方，其实是他那大学的两名英语讲师，马博士并不知道他们，他们也不认识这位校长，因为他到任不久。

马博士是跳舞高手，会跳最新式的舞。他打麻将出手很快，总是不考虑打掉什么牌就摸进新张，完全符合我们刚谈到的那种脾气。如果碰巧他是个输家，他会高高兴兴坚持通宵，即使已经十分明显，最后谁也不会真正付账。他过着一种十分简朴的生活。他喜爱自然，在杨行他的家里，他总是被包围在各种宠物和栽培植物中间。从许许多多蜂箱里，他能够给你把蜂王找出来。他甚至栽培草莓。如果他宴请，他会让你知道请你吃的，全都是他自己和他那位深情相爱的妻子共同劳动的成果。陈 达［第2期；1934年1月11日］

Y. R. CHAO（赵元任）

It was Aldous Huxley who said of his great friend D. H. Lawrence that he could do almost everything well. He could sing, dance, talk, cook and make fire better than anyone else; but above all, he could keep silent in company without giving the impression of being sulky. Mr. Chao is like D. H. Lawrence in this respect. The thing which would strike one on meeting him for the first time is that he is unusually uncommunicative and retiring. He is not the sort of person who is always clamouring for public attention. He is quite content to let you do all the talking, while listening to you in a flattering manner as if you were really uttering some very profound truths.

But somehow or other, even when he does or says nothing, one simply feels that here is a man who cannot be overlooked. And so he is indeed! For truth to tell, Mr. Chao is one of the most versatile scholars in China of today. Born in 1892 at Tientsin, Mr. Chao received his early education in Changchow and Nanking. In 1910, he passed the examination for Tsing Hua scholarship to America. He entered Cornell and majored in physics and mathematics, and picked up for himself music, psychology and philosophy. After graduation, he went to Harvard for advanced study of philosophy. From that institution, he got his Ph.D. degree, his thesis being on Continuity, "proving that it was impossible to prove anything and concluding that no universal proposition was true." He went back to Cornell to teach physics in 1919 and after having stayed there a year, he came home and joined the faculty of Tsing Hua College. He was invited to be interpreter for Bertrand Russell during the latter's visit of China on a lecture tour, on account of, to quote himself, "my knowing a score of Chinese dialects" and "knowing some of the queer things that he knows."In 1921, he went to America again to teach Chinese and philosophy at Harvard University. He returned to China in 1925, and since 1929, he has been a research fellow in the Department of Language and History of the National Research Institute (Academia Sinica).

Mr. Chao is much interested in the study of the Chinese language. He has devised a system of alphabetic writing of the Chinese language adequate for scientific, literary and everyday purposes. He has made a set of phonographic records of the National Language, and has compiled a book of Chinese rhymes.

Aside from the above achievements, Mr. Chao has also translated Lewis Carroll's Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass into Chinese. The translations are admirably done, considering how difficult it is to render those masterpieces of English humour into a foreign language.

Mr. Chao's hobby is music. He has in fact composed tunes for many of the poems by Hsu Tse-mo, Hu Shih and others. He has a lot of original ideas about the theory of music and he hopes someday to invent a big fundamental idea (comparable in convenience and simplicity to the two dimensional graphic representation of functions of two variables) by which one can represent time, pitch and a third dimension for different instruments. To quote himself: "The usual notation for a score uses the vertical dimension for two different things in an intolerable mixture. To use solid models of one group of instruments behind another, or different colours for different timbers of instruments would be quite impracticable. I dare say if people could swim freely in three dimensions and draw freely and quickly solid pictures, as do the what-do-you-call-that-fish-which-emits-ink, our thought and expression would be as superior to what it is as this is superior to the ancient literature of knots tied in a one-dimensional string."

Besides his passion for music, Mr. Chao also loves to collect books "and let them lie about me instead of me about them." He is fond of collecting proverbs too, "not for keep sake, but to see what I can do with them." The following are examples of what he has "undone."1. 1. A friend in debt is a friend you bet.2. 2. Where there is a swell, there is a sway.3. 3. Loaf, and the world loafs with you;

Sweep, and you sweep alone.4. 4. No smoke without fire.5. 5. Fine leather makes fine boots.

Another of his weaknesses is the collection of seventeen's. This began at a time when he was studying mathematics with a teacher who always used to say: "Take any number, one, two, three, or no matter even if you take seventeen." Since then, he has discovered that quite a number of people take seventeen for their favourite "any number." Once he lifted up the telephone receiver in a hotel in New York and heard the girl announcing herself, "Operator Seventeen!", and he all but answered "Much obliged!"

But above everything else, Mr. Chao likes to collect or rather to concoct nonsensical verse. Here is one done by himself:I start with once upon a time,But cannot find a word to rhyme.And this is just as near the truth,As Yu is π2.

The last line, he authoritatively states, is pronounced: "As why to the youth is pie to the tooth."

Mr. Chao is in the habit of sending a printed letter to all of his friends about once a year. He calls them "Green Letters," and the average length of each is about 15 closely printed pages. It is from these letters that most of the material in this article is gathered.[No. 5; Feb. 1, 1934]

赵元任

奥尔德斯·赫胥黎在谈到他的朋友劳伦斯时曾经说，他几乎做什么都能做得很好。他唱歌、跳舞、谈话、烹饪、生火，比任何人都做得更好。尤为突出的是，他能和朋友们在一起时默不作声，却并不给人以沉闷的印象。在这方面，赵先生很像劳伦斯。和他初次见面就会给人留下深刻印象的，是他的沉默寡言和腼腆孤僻。他不属于总是设法引起公众注意的那类人。他会让你一个人把所有的话全都说尽，自己则讨人欢喜地从旁认真谛听，就仿佛你确实是在谈论某些高深的道理。

但是不知为什么，即使他什么也不说、什么也不做，人们也会感觉到，这里有一个不能忽视其存在的人。确实如此！说实话，赵先生是今日中国最多才多艺的学者之一。赵先生1892年出生于天津，在常州和南京接受了早期教育。1910年，他考取清华的留美公费，进入康奈尔大学，主修物理和数学，选修音乐、心理学和哲学。毕业后，又入哈佛进修哲学，并在那里获得他的博士学位。他的学位论文论述了“连续性”，“证明了，什么也证明不了；结论是，没有一种全称命题为真”。1919年，他回康奈尔大学讲授物理学，一年后回国，任教于清华学校。罗素访华作巡回演讲时，他应邀担任翻译，用他自己的话来说，是由于“我懂得20种方言，还懂得他所懂的一些古怪的东西”。1921年，他再度赴美，在哈佛大学讲授汉语和哲学。他1925年回国，自1929年起任中央研究院历史语言研究所的研究员。

赵先生对研究中国语言很有兴趣。他设计出了一种书写汉语的拼音系统，既适用于科学、文学，也适用于日常生活。他已经灌制了一套国语唱片，还编写了一部汉语韵书。

除了上述成就，赵先生还把刘易斯·卡罗尔的《阿丽思漫游奇境记》和《镜中世界》译成了中文，翻译得非常出色，要知道，把一部英语的幽默杰作译成外国文字该有多难。

赵先生酷爱音乐。事实上，他给徐志摩、胡适等人的好些诗作都配过曲。在音乐理论方面，他也有不少独到的见解，希望有一天能够发明一种极有价值的基本方法（就像使用二维图形表示二元函数一样方便和简单），可用以标记节拍、表示音高和代表不同乐器这三个维度。用他自己的话来说，“标记总谱时，通常的方法是使用垂直的维度来标记过分复杂的混音中两个不同的音。使用一组乐器在前、另一组在后的立体模型，或是使用不同的颜色来标记不同乐器的不同音色，都是很不现实的。我敢说，要是人能够像喷吐墨汁的乌贼那样在三度空间里自由地游泳，自由而快捷地绘制立体图画，我们的想法和表达方式就会比现在这样的优越，就像现在的想法和表达方式要比远古单一维度的结绳记事性文献优越一样”。

除了对音乐的偏爱，赵先生还喜欢藏书，“让书围着我，别让我围着书”。他还喜欢收集格言和箴言，“并不是为了收藏，而是想要看看我能对它们做些什么”。以下几条就是被他“解决”了的：1. 1．欠债的朋友是你下注信得过的朋友。2. 2．有隆起必有凹陷。3. 3．分食，举世皆愿与你分食；

独吞，只能孤家寡人独吞。4. 4．无火不冒烟。5. 5．好皮子，做出好靴子。

他的另一个癖好是收集“17”。这种癖好是从他上一位老师的数学课时开始的。这位老师常说：“取任意一个数，不论是1、2、3，甚或是17。”从那个时候起，他发现不少人都喜欢把17当作他们喜欢的“任意数”。有一次在纽约一家旅馆，他拿起电话听筒，听到一个姑娘的声音只是自报了一声“17号接线员！”，他几乎就要说“非常感谢！”

而超过其他一切的，是他喜好收集和编写打油诗。以下这首打油诗是他自己的大作：I start with once upon a time,But cannot find a word to rhyme.And this is just as near the truth,As Yu is π2.

其中最后一行，根据他的权威性说明，应该这样读：“As why to the youth is pie to the tooth.”

赵先生习惯于每年给所有的朋友寄一封打印好的信件，他称那些信件为“绿色信件”。每封信的长短平均为排印得很密的15页信纸。这篇短文里的极大部分材料，便来源于那些信件。［第5期，1934年2月1日］

EMPEROR MALGRE LUI

In the long history of mankind there have been many commoners made emperors; there have been many emperors forced to abdicate the throne; there have also been some exiled emperors who made a successful struggle back to the throne, as, in the case of Napoleon I. But there have been few, if any, instances where a man was made emperor three times without knowing why and apparently without relishing it. Believe it or not, Mr. Henry Puyi holds the world's record in the number of times that any mortal may ascend and abdicate the throne—that is, after March 1 when he will be crowned for the third time.

Yes, Henry was born lucky—if being an emperor as he was can be considered as such. At the age of four, his late uncle Emperor Kwang Hsu died and as he left no offspring, Empress Dowager Tsu Hsi picked Henry as the nearest of kin to be the successor. So, in 1909 when he was a mere infant, Henry was ceremoniously enthroned and was supposed to reign under the title of Hsuan Tung. History does not record how he liked his coronation, but we can easily imagine how a kid of four years old would react when he is forced to leave his bed at four or five o'clock in the morning, to keep quiet on the throne and to watch kowtowing all round. Henry must have forgotten his experience at coronation, otherwise he could have told us how out of curiosity and devilry he tried to snatch the crown jewels from his own head only to be put back again by the Empress who was sitting with him. He must have wished to give up everything—crown, throne, and all—to be able to come down to have a grand tussle with some of his subjects that kept on kowtowing to him.

Whatever it was, it proved to be an unholy thought for a baby emperor and inauspicious for such an occasion, for after only three years of this grand ceremony, the revolution broke out and Yuan Shih-kai whom the Manchus trusted with the task of suppression of the revolution double-crossed his erstwhile masters and suggested abdication. What could the Manchus do against a man who was backed up to the limit by his henchmen who held important positions in the army? Accordingly, in 1912, the boy emperor was made to resign for the benefit of the country. But here again, the luck of the boy carried him through, for instead of having to submit to an ignominious fate and live in retirement as most emperors under similar circumstance would have to do, Henry was allowed to keep the palace and an enormous annuity of $4,000,000. He had lost his empire and all that it would bring, that is true; but for practical purpose, he was just as comfortably off and could command just as much respect inside the premises of the palace as he ever could. Then, on grand occasions, like new year, birthday, etc., some of his former subjects would come to kowtow to him just as they did formerly.

However, his retirement did not last long. And if he did not appreciate the first coronation, at least he should the second occasion in 1917 when, after the successful coup d'etat by his faithful subject, the late notorious General Chang Hsun, he was again put on the throne. Henry was by this time eleven years old and certainly would have enjoyed seeing so many people fussing over him and paying respect to him. But the sin of his ancestors was evidently too much for him, for in about a week's time, Marshal Tuan Chi-jui's army surrounded Peking and Henry was again forced to abdicate and retire to the palace.

Because of this experience and other reasons, he was chased out of the palace in 1924, when Marshal Feng Yu-hsiang came into power, and he had to seek refuge in the Japanese Concession in Tientsin. It was during this period that Henry enjoyed a little of the life of a normal man. He was now married—to two wives too. He studied English under Dr. Johnston from whom he got his foreign name, Henry, and it was undoubtedly due to this Englishman that he obtained his occasional favorable press comments in English and American journals. He was learning some manly sports, tennis, golf and what not. It was also during this time that his second wife sought to leave him and Henry had to pay her ￥50,000 for alimony in order to keep the matter out of court. Henry is probably the first emperor that has to do that. Usually when an emperor was dissatisfied with his wife, he just cut her head off or had her strangled. However, in spite of desertion and scandal, this was undoubtedly the happiest period in his life. The payment of his annuity had long since stopped, it is true; but he was never in want. Many of his former subjects were still rich and ready to help. Besides he had at his disposal a great amount of palace treasures that he had secreted out with him when fleeing from Peking. Under the circumstances, Henry would have been quite satisfied if he were to be left alone to pass his life in quietude.

But evidently the sin of his ancestor was again working against him, when lo, all of a sudden there came the Japanese coup at Mukden on September 18, 1931, and he was spirited away from Tientsin and the next thing we heard of him was that he was chosen to be the head of the puppet state established by the Japanese in Manchuria. Report has it that Henry is not comfortable in his new surroundings and wishes that he could be restored the liberty and freedom that he enjoyed before. But regardless of his intentions, the Japanese are not yet through with him. They are going to make him "emperor" once again. The future of the young man is very hard to tell. But those who realize that he is merely a victim of circumstance, in spite of the injustices that his ancestors did to the country, wish him well. May he outlive his usefulness.[No. 6; Feb. 8, 1934]

不由自主的皇帝

在人类漫长的历史进程中，有不少平民被黄袍加身，有不少皇帝被迫退位；也有一些被流放的皇帝复辟成功，如拿破仑一世。但是，还没有人——如果有也很少——曾被三次尊奉为皇帝而不知其所以然，并且显然不觉得是一种享受。信不信由你，溥仪先生（英文名亨利），在一个活人登基和退位的次数上，将会是世界纪录的保持者——那是说3月1日以后，他将在那一天被第三次加冕。

是的，溥仪生而有幸——如果当他当过的那种皇帝能被看作幸运的话。4岁，他伯父光绪死去，由于没有子嗣，慈禧太后便把最近的亲属溥仪选为继位人。于是，1909年，只是一个幼儿的溥仪，就行礼如仪登基，以宣统的名义“统治”国家。历史并没有记录他是否喜欢他的登基大典，但是人们可以很容易想象，一个4岁大的孩子，凌晨四五点，被迫离开他的被窝，默不作声地坐在金龙宝座上，看着四周围人人都在向他叩头。溥仪一定已经忘记他对那场大典的体验，否则就能告诉我们，他是怎样出于好奇和恶作剧，试图把皇冠珠宝从自己头上拽下，却只能是被坐在身旁的皇太后重新放回原处。他一定希望放弃一切——皇冠、御座，和一切——以便从座位上跑下来，和几个不断对他叩头的臣民尽情扭斗一番。

无论如何，事实证明，对于一个娃娃皇帝，这是一种大不敬的思想，对于这种场合，则预示不祥，因为这场大典举行仅三年，革命爆发了，被清廷委以镇压革命重任的袁世凯，出卖了往日的主子，建议退位。面对有着掌握重兵的党羽全力支持的这样一个人物，清廷能有什么作为？因而，1912年，这个孩子皇帝就被迫而退位以有利于国家了。但是，这时又是这孩子的幸运帮他渡过难关，不必像多数皇帝在类似局面下无可奈何地听凭耻辱命运的摆布，溥仪得以保有他的皇宫，并且获得每年400万两白银的一笔数额巨大的年金。不错，他失去了他的帝国和帝国可能带来的一切，但是，实际上在皇宫之内，他仍可过得同样舒适，享有同样多的尊敬，无异以往。之后，在诸如新年、诞辰之类重大节庆日，他有些往日的臣下还会前来向他叩头，一如既往。

然而，这样一种引退，为时不久。如果他曾经不喜欢第一次登基大典，至少，他应该会喜欢1917年的第二次，在忠于他的旧臣、那位臭名昭著的张勋将军政变成功之后，他又一次被拥上金龙宝座。这时的溥仪11岁，看到那么许多人异乎常情地关心他、向他表示敬意，一定十分开心。但是他祖先的罪孽对他来说是过分深重了一点，大约过了一个星期，段祺瑞将军的军队就包围了北京，溥仪不得不又一次退位而回到宫墙之内。

由于这一次的经历和其他一些原因，1924年，冯玉祥将军掌握大权，他被赶出了皇宫，而不得不到天津日租界去寻求庇护。正是这一时期，溥仪过上了一小段常人生活。他这时也已结婚，娶了两个妻子。他在庄士敦博士教诲下学习英文，老师给他取了个洋名亨利。无疑，是由于这位英国洋人的关系，英美报刊上偶尔会有一些有利于他的新闻评议。他还学着打网球、高尔夫球之类适合男人的运动。也是这一时期，他第二个妻子谋求离异，溥仪不得不付给她一笔5万元的赡养费，以达成庭外和解。溥仪多半是第一个不得不这样做的皇帝。通常，一个皇帝对妻子感到不满了，不是砍掉她的脑袋，就是让她被绞死。然而，尽管出现了背弃和丑闻，这仍然是他一生最快乐的时期。不错，年金支取早已停止，但是他从不缺钱。他的许多故旧臣下仍然富有，随时都乐于资助。而且，他还有大量宫廷财宝可供支配，那是他逃离北京时偷带出来的。在当时的环境下，他会十分满意，如果，能够让他平静度过余生。

但是，显然是他祖先的罪孽又一次作祟，瞧，1931年9月18日，日本人突然在沈阳发动事变，他被秘密带离天津。我们听到他的第二条消息，说他被选中，充当日本人在满洲建立的傀儡政权头目。有报道说，溥仪对他新的处境感到不舒服，希望恢复他以往享有的权利和自由。但是，日本人毫不顾忌他的意愿，还是要把他又一次立为“皇帝”。这个年轻人的前途难测。但是，不管他的祖先对这个国家做过些什么，了解他不过是环境牺牲品的人们，仍然希望他好好活着。但愿他能够活到可利用的价值用尽之后。［第6期；1934年2月8日］

JOHN C. H. WU（吴经熊）

John C. H. Wu, or Wu Ching-hsiung, is a name that is familiar to people of widely different descriptions. The Ningpo merchant in Shanghai recognises in him the son of a late business leader in Ningpo, a son who has distinguished himself in fields of learning entirely beyond the comprehension or dream of his own father or of those Ningpoese whose names are associated with steamship companies or piecegoods firms. The informed foreigner in Shanghai remembers him as a former Court president and judge noted for tempering the high austerity of the bench with the winning graces of a literary humourist. His friends, however, see in him a many-sided personality brimful of youthful enthusiasm, whose good qualities are seen to the best advantage when put side by side with his weaknesses.

As a jurist of international reputation, Wu is no mere jurist in the ordinary sense of the word. If you ask him about a common legal phenomenon in Shanghai, that is, what is the punishment for a person convicted of a charge of seduction preferred by a dancing girl, very likely he will tell you that he does not recall the precise penalty imposed by the Criminal Code, or that he does not know if it is a crime expressly provided for in the Code. He will promise you to study the case, and pending his being briefed up, will lecture to you on the psychological and sociological issues involved, citing Goethe, Whitman, and Oscar Wilde. The drudgery of looking up the law, he will leave to some of his underlings who can best utilise their talents in digging up the relevant articles in the Code and marshalling the facts in a way to await the application of the Code provision. Wu is always proud to say that he sees the function of law in society sub specie eternitatis, that is to say, in terms of eternity, or as an eternal problem. It might appear a little difficult to see how, with this mental make-up, Wu could have tackled successfully, as he did, such problems as extraterritoriality and the status of the Shanghai International Settlement, both problems being the essence of his work first in his capacity as Acting President of the Provisional Court at Shanghai and later in connection with his advisership on municipal affairs to the Shanghai Municipal Council. This is a lingering doubt in the minds not only of the public but of some of his friends. To many, also, his playful humour is such a contrast to the seriousness of the sort of work he undertakes, for instance, the drafting of a constitution that purports to put an end to the political insecurity in our country. And when his draft constitution was criticised in good or bad faith, by his friends and his enemies, many attribute his "failure" as a constitution-maker to too much philosophising or lack of interest in political realities.

Wu was not, however, blind to the momentous character of his work. He took into account possibly more political realities than his critics had envisaged. Nevertheless, he considers the distinction between ideals and realities quite a shadowy one. The conventional distinction, when seen in the perspective of history, must fail as soon as it is pitted against the environment of the time. Dogmas in political science and law have to be shattered in order to make room for the best contributions of the age. No less unsatisfying than a constitution that pleases the reigning potentates is one that caters to the taste of scholars whose knowledge about constitutions does not go beyond Bagehot's beautiful essay or the learned treatise in our own language by the present minister of education. Wu's constitution will possibly be known as a piece of art where ideals bear indistinguishably upon the periphery of realities, but is this not true also of the best artistic productions of which we are proud?

Praise him or condemn him as we might, constitution drafting occupies a small place in the purview of Wu's interests. But the pity of it is that even his friends take this as the yardstick to measure his success. The true personality of Wu is not well-understood. He takes delight, indeed, in worldly honours. A secret joy always overtakes him as he recalls that, a young man in his thirties, he was judge of a court, lecturer at a famous American law school and is president of a law school of no mean reputation and has been entrusted with the drafting of the Chinese constitution. At heart, he is, however, a "sad laughing man," like his old friend, Justice Holmes. He regrets that he has been prevented by opportunities, or rather the lack of them, in China from making the best contribution to legal thought of which he is capable. When he was told that his admirers in America thought he had anticipated in his writings many of the thoughts of the most brilliant "realists" of the day in legal philosophy, such as Jerome Frank and Karl Llewelyn, he almost dropped tears.

From feelings of vanity he is indeed not free. Is he not a believer in the classic as well as realistic definition of vanity given by Justice Holmes: "Vanity is the most philosophical of those feelings that we are taught to despise. For vanity recognises that if a man is in the minority of one we lock him up and therefore longs for an assurance from others that one's work has not been in vain"? And has not Gladstone described, with similar truth, vanity as "a defect rather than a vice; never admitted into the septenary catalogue of the mortal sins of Dante and the Church; often lodged by the side of high and strict virtue, often allied with an amiable and playful innocence; a token of imperfection, a deduction from greatness and no more"?[No. 7; Feb. 15, 1934]

吴经熊

John C. H. Wu，或吴经熊，在一些各不相干、完全不同的社会群体中，是一个广为人知的名字。上海的宁波商人会知道他是宁波一位已故商界领袖的儿子，这个儿子已经成了一名声誉卓著的学者，他所熟知的那些学科，是他自己的父亲和那些在轮船公司及布匹行业有名有姓的宁波人所无法理解的。上海见多识广的外国人会记得，他曾经是地方法院的庭长和法官，以擅长用幽默文学作家的动人魅力来缓和法庭高度严肃的气氛而闻名。不过，他的朋友看到的是他充满青春、热情洋溢的多面人格，他的优点与弱点放在一起时会显得更加突出。

作为一名享有国际声誉的法学家，吴经熊并不只是通常意义上的法学家。如果你问到上海一种常见的法律现象——有人由于被舞女指控诱奸而罪名成立，应该受到怎样的惩罚，他很可能会告诉你，他记不清楚刑法典上准确的惩罚规定，或者不知道这是不是法典上确有明文规定的一种罪行。他会答应你研究一下这个问题，而在掌握相关信息之前，他会引述歌德、惠特曼和王尔德的诗句或言论向你讲解其中牵涉到的心理学和社会学问题。查看法律条文之类枯燥的工作，他会留给下属去做，最有效地利用他们的才能到法典中去发掘相关的条款，并把事实梳理一番以备应用法典条文。吴经熊经常自豪地说，他总是以永恒的观点看待法律的社会作用，也就是说，这是一个永恒的问题。也许有点难以理解的是，具有这样一种精神气质的他，居然成功地处理了诸如治外法权和上海公共租界的地位这样的问题。解决这两个问题，对于先是作为上海临时裁判厅厅长、后来又成为上海市工部局市政顾问的他，是最主要的工作。这不仅是公众也是他某些朋友的心头挥之不去的一个疑问。而且，在许多人看来，他喜爱说笑的脾气和他从事的严肃工作（例如，草拟一部旨在结束我国政治混乱的宪法），在性质上格格不入。当他的宪法草案受到友人和敌人善意或恶意的批评时，许多人都把他作为宪法起草人的失败，归咎于空泛的议论太多或者对政治现实缺乏兴趣。

其实，吴经熊对自己工作的重要性质并非不知。他对政治现实的考虑很可能要比批评他的人们所设想的更多。尽管如此，他仍然认为理想和现实之间的区别十分模糊。从历史的角度看来，只要和当时的环境稍一较量，传统的区别便难以成立了。政治学和法律中的一些教条就必须被打破，以便为时代的最佳贡献让出空间。和一部取悦统治者的宪法一样难以令人满意的，是一部迎合学者口味的宪法，而这些学者有关宪法的涉猎超不过白哲特漂亮的文章或是现任教育部长用汉语写作的学术论文。吴经熊的宪法很可能被当作一件艺术品，理想和现实的表面逼近得难以分辨——我们引以为豪的艺术珍品难道不也是这样？

我们可以赞扬他，也可以批评他，但是宪法起草在他兴趣广泛的活动中只占一小部分。可惜的是，连他的朋友也以此作为衡量他成就的尺码。吴经熊的真实个性并不为人们充分理解，不过他实在是喜欢世俗荣誉。每当想起他三十来岁就当上了法官和一家著名的美国所办大学法学院讲师，到如今已是这所响当当的法学院的院长，并且被委以起草中国宪法的重任，他就会暗自欣喜。但是在他的内心深处，他是一个“苦笑的人”，正如他的老朋友霍姆斯法官一样。他为自己未能有机会在中国在他本来可能有所建树的法学思想方面作出最佳贡献而深感遗憾。有人对他说，他在美国的仰慕者认为，在他的著作里早就提出了最出色的法理学“现实主义者”杰尔姆·弗兰克和卡尔·卢埃林之流的许多想法，他听了几乎要流下眼泪。

他确实未能摆脱虚荣的情绪。难道他不相信霍姆斯法官对虚荣所下的经典而实在的定义：“虚荣，在我们被教育应该鄙视的所有情绪中，是最有哲学意味的一种。因为虚荣承认，如果一个人处于孤独的少数地位而受到人们的歧视，就会期望别人对他工作并非徒劳有所确认”？难道格莱斯顿不也曾同样正确地说过：虚荣是“一种缺点而不是罪过，从来也不曾被开列在但丁或是基督教会七宗重大罪过的清单之内，倒常常被安排在崇高严谨的美德一边，常与友善顽皮的天真结盟，是不完美的一种标志，是伟大因之减色的亏欠，不过如此而已”？［第7期，1934年2月15日］

MISS KAO KYUIN-SAN（高君珊）

I remember distinctly that night in a very cosy, though small, attic room on South Division Street. Ann Arbor was at its gayest when Freshmen came to taste the life of a university, Sophomores to grow into upper classmen and be wiser, and Juniors and Seniors to graduate and be married. So Kyuin-san crossed the Pacific for the second time to join the University of Michigan as a fellow in education. But that was nothing unusual—so many Chinese have been fellows before. The important factor was that I met her in that little attic room. Outside, there was lightning and thunder, and rain poured out of a pale September sky. There were three of us: a graduate scholar in Physics, Kyuin-san and I. We were sitting beside a desk which was much too large for the room, the Physics scholar in an armchair too big for her size, Kyuin-san occupying the seat in front of the desk, and I on a stool. With this incongruous immenseness around us, we talked about problems too immense for our comprehension and felt how little we were. Kyuin-san was telling us about the great fire in Shanghai, the cause of which one could only guess at but never make known. She told us of the poverty and sufferings of our people back home. At this, in the innocent idealism of our college days, the Physics scholar and I made a vow that we would "serve," and "sacrifice" for, our country when we came back. It thundered more, rained more. The night was growing into dawn, and the stillness of the little attic room set our hearts afire. We looked into Kyuin-san's face with almost childlike simplicity and beheld wonders in it. But our idealism faded into nothingness. The Physics scholar is now burying herself in a research laboratory; Kyuin-san still sticks to her education; and I—never mind about me.

But the idealism is not totally lost, at least not with Kyuin-san. It is not because she is a Professor of Education at Yenching University and therefore is an educator of man; but rather she educates herself. She is the symbol of both old and new. All that of the old culture and literature which the modern women lack lies in her; and yet many of the new fads and fashions which they indulge in she does not adopt. But she is not prim and biased and prejudiced. She has humour and can take a joke. A friend once said to her good-naturedly: "You looked saintly years ago, but now you are touchable."

If I were to draw a caricature of her, I would have her holding a baby in one hand, and a magazine, preferably the Life Weekly, now defunct, in the other. If I could possibly add a third without being misunderstood to be insulting, I would have that hand hold a pen and a postcard. On it she should write 文章虽好，性命要紧（"It is fun to write, but life is just as precious"）. This was a little piece of advice which she gave to Hu Shih when she left for America in 1929, the two being very good friends. Evidently the advice proved very useful and was well taken.

Did I not say a baby? Well, this is the consummation of her humour. She adopted one. And I dare say no real mother ever loves and cares for her baby better than she does. In fact she does too much. Her room is a nursery, and her Peiping quarter will soon, I am afraid, be a kindergarten! Once Kyuin-san took her child to see a friend of hers. The child asked on the way, "Will auntie give me candy?" The auntie, whose mind was, perhaps, more on other things than on children, gave her none. Thereupon the "mother" bought her some instead. A sneeze from the baby means a trip to the doctor's; her teething trouble means a dentist's bill. Magazines, periodicals and books on education will gladly give place to "bow to take care of infants" if the baby cries.

Indeed, Kyuin-san is happy, for she has found her true vocation as the "mother" of an adopted child.[No. 8; Feb. 22, 1934]

高君珊女士

我还记得非常清楚，那天夜晚，在安阿伯南区大街一间非常舒适的顶楼小房间里，那是安阿伯最欢快的时节，一年级的新生前来体验大学生活的滋味，二年级的大学生就要升级而增长智慧，三年级、四年级的大学生将要毕业、谈婚论嫁。就是在此时节，君珊第二次横渡太平洋，来到密歇根大学做攻读教育学的研究生。但是，这没有什么不寻常的——毕竟，早已经有了不少的中国研究生。重要的是，我在那间顶楼小房间里遇到了她。房间外边，灰蒙蒙的九月天空，电闪雷鸣，大雨滂沱。当时，同在一起的有我们三个：一个物理学的毕业生、君珊和我。我们坐在一张对于整个房间来说显得过大的办公桌旁：物理学家坐在对她来说显得过大的扶手椅上，君珊占据着办公桌前的位子，我坐在一只凳子上。围坐在这张比例尺度不协调的大桌子周围，我们谈论着难以理解的问题，感觉到自己那么渺小。君珊告诉我们有关上海火灾的情况，但是，起火的原因只能凭猜测，永远不会有人公布。她告诉我们国内人民的贫困和苦难。说到这儿，在那天真的大学理想主义时代，我和物理学家都宣誓，将来回去一定要“报效”我们的国家，甚至不惜为国“牺牲”。外面的雷打了又打，雨下了又下。黑夜逐渐转化成为黎明，顶楼小屋的寂静使我们的内心热血沸腾。我们凝视着君珊几乎像孩子般单纯的面孔，看到了理想成真的奇迹。但是，我们的理想主义已经消失得无影无踪。那位物理学家，现在正在一家研究室内埋头工作；君珊，还在坚持她的教育；而我——不必介意我在做些什么。

但是，理想主义并没有完全丢失，至少就君珊的情况来说是这样，并非因为她是燕京大学的教育学教授而成了教育人的教育家，而在于她对自己进行的教育。她既是旧的也是新的象征。所有和旧文化、旧文学相关而为现代女性所缺乏的，在她身上都有；而她们所热衷的大部分时髦和风尚，她却不接受。但是她也并不故作正经、抱持成见或偏见。她有幽默感，也开得起玩笑。一个朋友有一次和善地对她说，“几年前你看上去像个圣徒，但是现在，你已经能‘触摸到’了。”

如果我给她画一幅漫画，我会让她一手抱着婴儿，另一只手拿本杂志，最好是现在已经停刊的《生活周刊》。如果我可以画第三只手而不被误解为侮辱的话，我要让那只手拿着钢笔和明信片，卡片上写下的是“文章虽好，性命要紧”的字样。这是她1929年出国赴美时留给胡适的忠告，他俩是非常要好的朋友。显然，这则忠告非常有用，也被愉快地采纳了。

我刚才提到婴儿了吧？不错，这是她好性情的完美表现，她领养了一个孩子。我敢说，没有一个真正的妈妈对孩子的爱护能够和她相比。事实上，她关爱得有点过分。她的房间成了育儿室，我担心，她在北平的住宅很快就会变成一个幼儿园！有一次，君珊带着她的孩子去看朋友。孩子在路上问：“阿姨会给糖我吃吗？”那位阿姨也许心里正想着别的事情，没顾得上孩子，没有给她糖果。因此，“妈妈”便自己买了一些给孩子吃。孩子打个喷嚏，她就要带着去看大夫；孩子出牙期有问题，就意味着牙医有进账了。孩子一哭，有关教育的杂志、期刊和书籍，全都会乖乖地让位，让她“躬身去照顾孩子”。

实际上，君珊是幸福的，因为她找到了真正的职业，那就是作为领养孩子的“妈妈”。［第8期，1934年2月22日］

DR. HU SHIH（胡适）, A PHILOSOPHE

To a few, Dr. Hu Shih is either a good enemy or a very good friend. To the rest, he is a big brother（老大哥）. All own him to be affable and charming—even his worst foes. He knows all the graces of a gallant, without himself being a gallant. In all those little, but indispensable, "airy nothings" which endear a man to society, especially to the company of ladies, Dr. Hu is an adept. He has the happy knack of making everybody feel at home in his company. The proud are flattered by his attentions; and nincompoops feel important by his treatment of them as his equals. In the best sense of the word, Dr. Hu is a democrat: he has not a touch of either social or intellectual snobbishness.

Dr. Hu keeps open house on Sundays. Nobody then is refused entrance to his house. With everyone, whether student or communist or businessman or robber, he is equally patient in hearing as in speaking. Those in distress, he helps. For those who want jobs, he writes letters of introduction. Some who seek enlightenment on points of scholarship, he tries to the best of his ability to satisfy. Others who just go to say "How do you do?", he entertains by odds and ends of news. All go away from his house with a sense of time well spent.

A little over forty, Dr. Hu looks much younger than his age. Clean shaven and neatly attired, he is neatness itself. Hair all jet black, with no touch of gray, prominent Augustan forehead, with eyes large and frank, a mobile pair of lips, suggestive of eloquence and an easy flow of speech, a good complexion, Dr. Hu's face suggests neither a scholar's "simple living and high thinking," nor a man-of-the-world's "good board and fast living."Of medium height, just right in size, agile and free in his movements, Dr. Hu has the appearance of a man-of-the-world turned scholar, rather than a scholar turned man-of-the-world.

Dr. Hu's knowledge is prodigious. Something of everything, he knows from the composition of aphrodisiacs to the most abstruse doctrines of Buddhism. He reads extensively: Tchehov, some of whose stories he has translated; Chinese poetry, of which he has formed an anthology（词选）; early Chinese philosophy, on which he has written a book; Buddhist philosophy, of which we have scraps from his pen, now and again; Chinese and European novels; and so on ad infinitum. And he writes on the most diverse of subjects—politics, social questions, history, evolutionary theories, textual criticism, etc. etc. A mere glance at the contents of his collection of articles（胡适文存）will give us some idea of the range and versatility of his mind. This plus his conversation, breezy, often informative, never pedantic, will give us a complete picture of his mind.

Dr. Hu is not one of those who keep and hide their talents underground. What he has, he shows. What he is, is all there—in his books, in his conversation, in his ways. He does not believe in hiding anything. There is no mystery in him: all is sunshine, and no shadow. His mind is like one vast, brilliantly lighted lake, where are no deep romantic chasms nor echoes of the other world. In such a lake, we are not interested in its depth, but in its surface, which reflects everything, and which has the power of giving us neat, clean, ordered pictures of Cosmos. In such pictures, nuance, soul, religion have no place.

Dr. Hu is justly admired for the lucidity of his style. Le style, c'est l'homme. We think of the lucidity of Haeckel's style, and then, all at once, a simple scheme of the Universe, explanable in terms of matter, force, and the inheritance of acquired characters, forms itself in our minds. We think of the lucidity of Huxley's style, and then, all at once, Man becomes a very simple animal to understand. We think of the lucidity of John Stuart Mill's style, and then, all at once, we find the processes of thought all arranging themselves under syllogisms and propositions. Have not Haeckel, Huxley, and Mill, had something to do with the admirable lucidity of Dr. Hu's style, and with the still more admirable lucidity of his Credo?

Because Dr. Hu has taught philosophy for many years in Peking National University, he has been called a philosopher. Of course, he is that; but surely, the term "philosopher" hardly describes all his activities. Because Dr. Hu writes very often in periodicals on subjects of general interest, he has been called a pamphleteer. Yes, he is that; but it would be a gross libel if any one were to think that he has the opportunism and the mentality of a pamphleteer. Because Dr. Hu never denies himself the goods of this world, he has been dubbed a man-of-the-world. Of course, he is that too; but such an impression of him can only be possible to one, who only knows him at dinner-parties. If there is one word to describe the kind of man Dr. Hu is, I think the word philosophe, in its eighteenth century sense, would fit in pat. Voltaire, D'Alembert, Holbach, Helvétius, Diderot, Jeremy Bentham, were all philosophes. They all had in them something of the worldling, something of the scholar, something of the man of affairs, and something of the philosopher. They had precise views about the scheme of the universe; and they all wrote with the optimism and the confidence of a man of affairs, in a style as authoritative as it is clear, on all sorts of subjects under the sun. Right or wrong, they had the courage of their opinions. Of this band of philosophes, Dr. Hu is not the least distinguished member. And in China, I am not sure that he is not the sole, modern instance.[No. 9; Mar. 1, 1934]

胡适博士，一位哲人

胡适博士，在少数人心目中，不是厉害的对手就是很好的朋友。对于其他人而言，他是老大哥。所有人都承认他和蔼可亲、招人喜爱，甚至他的死对头也这样认为。他不是风流绅士，但是风流绅士处世交友那一套他都不生疏。在寒暄、恭维、献点小殷勤等以博取社交界特别是女士们的好感这些不足挂齿却又不可或缺的手段方面，他都算得上高手。他有本事使每一个和他相处的人都无所拘束。傲慢的人由于得到他的殷勤款待而沾沾自喜，庸碌之辈会由于受到平等对待而觉得身价倍增。胡博士是最佳意义上的民主人士，没有沾染一点点无论是基于社会地位还是知识水平的势利习气。

胡博士的家门每星期天都对外开放，来者不拒。任何人，不论是大学生还是共产主义者，是商人还是盗贼，只要开口，他都会耐心倾听、耐心叙谈。对于深陷困境的，他会给予帮助；对于寻求工作的，他给写介绍信。有些人来请教学术问题，他总是尽其所能加以满足；也有些人只是前来问候，他便飨以零零碎碎的新闻或消息。所有的来客离去时都会觉得不虚此行。

四十出头的胡博士，看上去要比实际年龄年轻得多。刮得干干净净的一张脸，整洁入时的衣着，称得上衣冠楚楚。他头发乌黑，不见一丝灰白；饱满的奥古斯都式额头，一双坦率的大眼睛，两片显得能言善辩的、灵活的嘴唇，面色红润。胡博士的面孔既不会使你想到学者的“大脑发达、生活简朴”，也不会使你想到俗人的“饮食丰美、生活放荡”。胡博士中等身材，肢体匀称，反应灵敏，举止自如，看上去更像是由俗人变成的学者，而不是学者变成的俗人。

胡博士学识渊博，他对万事万物——从春药的配制到佛教的深奥佛理——全都有所了解。他涉猎颇广：契诃夫，他翻译过他的短篇小说；中国诗词，他编选过一部《词选》；中国早期哲学，他写过相关的著作；佛教哲学，他常有长短不拘的文字问世；中国和欧洲的小说；诸如此类，不胜枚举。他执笔议论的问题是五花八门——政治、社会问题、历史、进化论、文本考证等等。只消看一眼《胡适文存》的目录，就可以对他的多才多艺和涉猎之广多少有个印象。再加上他风雅有趣、常常是知识丰富而并非卖弄学问的谈吐，就能给我们一个完整的印象。

胡博士并不是喜欢把自己的才能掩藏起来的那种人：他有什么，就显示出什么；他是什么，就都在那儿了——在他的著作、他的谈吐、他的行为方式中。他不想有所隐瞒，在他的身上没有什么神秘：只有阳光，没有阴影。他的心胸仿佛是一片明亮如镜的广阔湖泊，没有浪漫的深沟，没有彼岸的回音。对于这样的湖，我们关心的不是深度，而是如镜的湖面。那湖面反映一切，能够把一幅幅精致、明净、有序的宇宙映像呈现在我们眼前。在这样的画面里，没有玄妙、灵魂和宗教的位置。

胡博士的文风简洁明快，当之无愧地受到了称赞——文如其人。我们想起海克尔的简洁文风，一个可以用物质、力、获得性状遗传加以解释的宇宙模型，就会立刻出现在我们的脑海里。我们想起赫胥黎的简洁文风，人就立刻变成了非常简单的动物而不难理解。我们想起约翰·斯图尔特·穆勒的简洁文风，我们就能立刻认识到思想按照三段论和命题形成的过程。海克尔、赫胥黎和穆勒与胡博士文风值得赞叹的简洁，甚至与他那更加值得赞叹的信条的简洁，是不是也存在着某种关系呢？

因为胡博士在国立北京大学讲授哲学多年，人们称他为哲学家。当然，他的确是个哲学家，但是“哲学家”这个称呼却不足以描述他所有的活动。因为他时常给刊物写文章，对普遍关心的问题发表议论，他也被称为小册子作家。不错，他的确是个小册子作家，但是，如果认为他也有小册子作家那种机会主义和心理状态，这一称呼对于他就成了极大的污蔑。因为胡博士从不摈弃世俗财富，有人就说他是个俗人。是的，他也实在是个俗人，不过，能够产生这样一种印象的，也只限于仅在宴会上认识他的人。如果世界上有一个名称能够用来称呼胡博士这样一种人，我想18世纪那种用法的philosophe（哲人）就恰好合适。伏尔泰、达兰贝尔、霍尔巴赫、爱尔维修、狄德罗和杰里米·边沁全都是哲人。在他们身上，俗人、学者、实干家和哲学家的成分全都有。他们对宇宙的结构模式都有个精确的看法，写东西都有一种实干家的乐观和自信，都用明快而有权威的文笔谈论太阳底下各种各样的问题。无论是对是错，他们全都有勇气发表和坚持自己的主张。放在这一群哲人中间，胡博士也不是最逊色的一个。而在中国，我不敢说他就不是唯一的当代哲人。［第9期，1934年3月1日］

FENG YU-HSIANG（冯玉祥）

Feng Yu-hsiang—around that name there are, we suspect, more controversies than that of any other contemporary of ours. Have we not heard of him as a mean schemer, a treacherous ally, and have we not heard of him as man of integrity, the most honest of warlords? Have we not heard of his thrift, and have we not heard of the luxuries under the cloak of his thrift? Because of these contradictions and the tales purported to support them, his name has an air of mystery that fascinates one, and so I find myself querying those who know something about him, every time I have a chance.

One of General Feng's former teachers, now in the government service, bluntly sums up his formula of this mysterious personality thus: a half-baked person with a single-track mind. When General Feng was known as the "Christian General," he truly believed that China's salvation lay in Christianity; when he allied himself with Russia, he really believed that that was the only way to save China; later, when he supported General Chiang Kai-shek in ousting General Chang Tso-lin from Peking and the communists from Kuomintang, he sincerely believed that he was doing the only thing that could rescue China and that the realization of the San-Min-Chu-I would mean a millenium for our country. He believed in one thing at a time to the exclusion of everything else; he has the single-track mind because he is half-baked, and he is half-baked because he is a self-educated man, whose reading has been omnivorous rather than intelligently chosen.

Although it was due chiefly to his military strength that the Peking regime collapsed so soon, he publicly declared that what was good for the central government and China he would willingly accept, that the garrison posts of his troops were of no consideration at all, and that General Chiang and the central government would play fair. But when the central government decided to snatch the Hopei and Shantung provinces from him, well, the whole world knows the story already. That's human, all too human, we all can afford to be idealists when idealism doesn't touch our purse.

Another man, one of his former subordinates now living in retirement, paints a full-size portrait of him. As a boy Feng lived near Tientsin, and the pillages of Tientsin and Peking by the foreign troops during the Boxer Uprising made a lasting impression on him. However, it was due more to the desire to support his father, a retired army officer and an opium-smoker, than to defend the country that he entered the army. He was ambitious, and he began to study in spite of the jeers and mortifications of his fellow soldiers. He was filial, patriotic and loyal to the throne. It was said that when Empress Dowager died, he cried bitterly for days. With his ambition, his excellence in military drill, and his ability to read and write, he found himself, in 1911, a major at the head of one battalion, with which he staged a revolt at Luanchow, that ended in failure. Somehow those three years between 1908 and 1911 found him greatly changed from a loyal officer to a revolutionist, to which his ability to read must have contributed no small part. However, during the first years of the republic his loyalty was transferred from the crown to his superior officers, and he never raised the standard against Yuan Shih-kai when the latter attempted to make himself emperor, for his connection with the revolutionists had never been very close.

Having been a commoner among the people and a private among the soldiers, General Feng well knew their sad plight and tried as was within his power to alleviate their conditions. This is the tenet of his patriotism and the guiding principle of his life, which remains the same, though his formulas for attaining the desired goal—a prosperous China free from foreign domination—changed with time and circumstances. This accounts for the strict discipline of his troops, which were also well cared for; and it was this more than anything else that was responsible for his conversion to Christianity. The hospitals, orphanages, and schools of the missionary found a warm corner in his heart; he believed that the salvation of China reposed in Christianity, and he tried to Christianize the soldiers under him. It was at this period too that he came into closer contact with revolutionists, for at that time many Christians were revolutionists, notably Dr. C. T. Wang and George Hsu Chien. Though he was now opposed to the Peiyang warlords, still he was loyal to his commanding officers, because he was a better soldier than a revolutionist, and because he knew that he was not strong enough to oppose them.

Later he joined Wu Pei-fu against Tuan Chi-jui, and was made Military Governor of Honan; but, just as he was planning to do something for the people of Honan, General Wu transferred him to Peiping. This highly displeased him and, together with their difference regarding certain political issues, accounted for his coup d'etat, overthrowing the Tsao Kun regime. But he was not yet powerful enough to have his way in North China, and his failure to oust General Chang Tso-lin ended in his own departure from the country.

In Russia he imbibed quite a part of communism, but he was too nationalistic to embrace it whole-heartedly. The Russians knew this and that was why they gave him such a mere pittance of support. This in turn swung him to General Chiang Kai-shek, but when General Chiang decided to give Tientsin and Peiping to General Yen Shih-shan, Feng felt himself cheated; for he had set his mind at being the master of North China so that he could do something for the people, and from the very beginning he felt that he was cooperating with Kuomintang rather than a mere cog in the party wheel. He revolted because of the conflict of interests; but his last conflict with the central government in Charhar was one more of policy than of interests.

Yes, General Feng was largely a child of circumstances, his opinion and his policy are largely a result of the persons around him. He is honest, but too simple; and he thought, when he was in Nanking, that China could be saved by the officials getting less pay and leading a simple life. Being a simple man himself, and seeing the logic that both men and officers are employees of the government and are to serve the country, he would not allow his officers such little comfort as smoking, not to say luxuries. That is why his generals left him and would not come back to him, leaving him "without capital," as he said in his reply to Fukien's invitation to join the revolt. Perhaps, the finis is written over the public career of an extraordinary man, who rose from a private to a commander of 300,000 men at one time.[No. 10; Mar. 8, 1934]

冯玉祥

冯玉祥——在我们同时代的中国人中，可能没有谁比这个名字引发过更多的争议。难道我们不曾听说，他是个卑鄙的阴谋家，是个背信弃义的盟友？难道我们不也听说过，他是个正直的人，是最诚实的军阀？难道我们不曾听说他生活俭朴，难道我们不也听说过他俭朴外衣掩盖下的奢侈？由于这些彼此矛盾的说法，和各种旨在支持这些说法的故事，他的名字便蒙上了一层使人如坠迷雾的神秘氛围。所以，我要是遇到了对他多少有所了解的人总要打听一番，绝不错过任何一次机会。

冯将军早先的一位老师，目前在政府任职，把他对这位神秘人物的评价概括为这样一句话：一个稀里糊涂的人，一个不知变通的头脑。当冯将军被叫做“基督将军”时，他果真就认为基督教可以救中国；当他和俄国结盟时，他确实就相信那是拯救中国的唯一道路；后来他支持蒋介石将军把张作霖赶出北京、把共产党人清除出国民党，他也真诚地认为这是挽救中国所能做的唯一的事情，认为实行三民主义就意味着我们国家的千年好景。在他相信一件事情的同时就会把其余的一切排除在脑外。他有一个不知变通的头脑，是因为他稀里糊涂的；他稀里糊涂，则因为他是自学成才的——他读的书十分庞杂，没有经过明智的选择。

虽然主要是由于他的军事实力，北京政权才会那么快垮台，但是他公开声明：只要对中央政府有利、对中国有利，任何解决方式他都乐于接受；他属下部队的防区不足为虑；蒋将军和中央政府自会公平处置。但是当中央政府决定要从他的控制下夺走冀、鲁两省，瞧吧，全世界都已经知道故事如何发展了。那是人之常情，太合乎人情了。我们全都当得起理想主义者，只要理想主义不来碰我们的钱包。

另一个人，是他以前的部下，现在已经退休，对他的标准描绘如下所述：少年时代的冯玉祥居住在天津附近，义和团运动期间外国军队对北京和天津的掠夺，给他留下了终生难忘的印象。但是他后来入伍当兵，在更大程度上是为了供养他的父亲——一个吸鸦片的退伍军官——而不是为了保卫国家。他胸怀大志，不顾行伍伙伴的嘲笑和羞辱，开始学习。他孝顺、爱国、忠君。据说，慈禧太后死的时候，他恸哭了好几天。由于他的远大理想、在训练中的出色表现以及他的文化程度，1911年，他就当上了一个营的管带。他领着这一营人在滦州造反，结果以失败告终。不知怎么地，在1908到1911这三年间，他由一个效忠清廷的军官变成了一名革命分子，他的文化程度一定是起了不小的作用。然而在民国初年，他也只是把他的忠诚从君主转移到了他的上级长官身上。袁世凯试图称帝时期，他从不曾举旗反抗，因为他和革命党人的关系从来就不十分密切。

由于在人民中间曾经是普通百姓，在军人中间曾经是普通一兵，冯将军了解他们的疾苦，因而总是在力所能及的范围内努力改善他们的处境。这是他的爱国主义信条，也是他为人的准则。虽然，他赖以实现目标——一个摆脱外国统治的、繁荣昌盛的中国——的方案随着时移势易而有所变化，那信条和准则至今依旧。正因为如此，他的部队纪律严明、训练有素，并能得到良好的照管。也正是由于这个而不是别的什么原因，导致他信奉了基督教。医院、孤儿院、教会学校，在他的心里找到了温暖的关怀。他相信，要救中国还要靠基督教，所以他试图使部下的士兵全都皈依基督。也是在这个时期，他和革命党人建立了密切的联系，因为那时候不少基督徒都是革命党人，著名的就有王正廷博士和徐谦。虽然他现在反对北洋军阀，但是他仍然忠于他的司令长官，因为他作为军人要比他作为革命党人更加合格，也因为他知道他还没有强大到足以对抗他们。

后来他参加吴佩孚反对段祺瑞的斗争，被任命为河南督军；但是正当他准备为河南人民做一些事情的时候，吴佩孚把他调到了北京。这种调动使他很不高兴，再加上他们在一些政治问题上的分歧，促使他发动了一次推翻曹锟政权的政变。但是他的力量还不足以使他在华北为所欲为，而未能赶走张作霖将军的失败之举，则以他自己的出国而告终。

在俄国，他受到不少共产主义的熏染，但是他是一个太坚定的民族主义者而不可能全心全意地接受共产主义。俄国人对这一点也心里有数，所以只给了他十分有限的支持。于是他又摆向蒋介石将军，但是当蒋介石决定把天津和北京（后改称北平）交给阎锡山将军时，冯将军觉得受到了欺骗。他早已打定主意要做华北的主人，这样他才能为人民做一点事情，而从一开始他就觉得自己是在跟国民党合作而不是它的一个无足轻重的卒子。他以前反叛，是由于利益冲突；但是最近一次在察哈尔和中央政府的冲突，却更是一场政策冲突。

是的，冯将军在很大程度上是环境的产儿，他的主张和政策在很大程度上是他身边人物影响的结果。他为人诚实，但是过于简单。在南京的时候，他以为只要官员们少拿点俸禄，生活简朴一点，中国就能得救。他本身十分简朴，而且认为士兵和军官全都是政府的雇员，理当为国家服务。对他的军官，连抽烟这样的小享受他都不允许，更别提奢侈的生活了。这就是为什么他的部将会离开他并且再也不愿意回到他身边的原因，就像他答复福建邀他参加起义时所说，已经使他再“没有资本”。也许，这个从普通士兵上升为30万人统帅的非凡人物，其公共职业生涯的最后章节已经写就。［第10期，1934年3月8日］

HSU TSE-MO（徐志摩）, A CHILD

Shelly's love affairs are notorious. To Victorian eyes, they are shocking. Matthew Arnold, so very interesting in his views on literature, right or wrong, made a big fool of himself, when he came to touch on Shelly's sexual relations. But Time has vindicated Shelly, cleared him from all mud, and metamorphised him into Ariel—a butterfly, fluttering about from one flower to another, a frail, slight thing, creature of the air, as beautiful as it is innocent. Shelly's Epipsychidion is the song of an ideal lover, who does not love this or that woman, but every woman, in whom he finds a reflection of Ideal Beauty, whether in hand, face or voice.

Well, Tse-mo's relations with women are exactly like Shelly's. Let no woman flatter herself that Tse-mo has ever loved her; he has only loved his own inner vision of Ideal Beauty. Even a pale cast of that Ideal in any woman, Tse-mo loves. His burning incense at many shrines is no disloyalty, but rather it is the essence of his loyalty to his Ideal. Like the shift and play of shadows on a bright summer day, Tse-mo flits about from one girl-friend to another: but inasmuch as the shadows are caused by one sun, so also is Tse-mo's love due to only one thing—his vision of Ideal Beauty. To that he is ever a faithful votary, not only in his relations with women, but also in his writings, in his friendships with men, and even in the vagaries and irregularities of what appears at first sight to be nothing but a disordered kind of existence, at once brief and tragic.

Tse-mo, the man, is much greater than Tse-mo, the poet. We like, many of us, his poetry, because he wrote it. I doubt if there are any who like him, because of his poetry. His personality is his genius. The more of him, therefore, there is in anything he does or says, the more of magical charm it has for us. This is why his prose is so much better than his poetry: there is more of him in it than in his verse. Reading his prose, we become aware, all at once, of the glamour and the unearthly brightness of his personality: his lineaments, the accent of his talk, the rhythm of his speech—its aliveness, at one moment its sinuous retreat into some interesting irrelevancies, at another its victorious return to the main flood of chat, so eager, so ardent, as if nothing matters but chat for chat's sake—they are all there in his prose. His poetry, on the other hand, is one remove from his personality. There is something extraneous about it: it is not a part of, but an excretion, so to speak, from him. Whatever prestige it enjoys is borrowed from his personality. With the passing of the years, as Tse-mo becomes more a memory and less an obsession, his poetry too, I fear, will lose something of the radiance it now has. I am not sure, now that he has been dead two years, if it hasn't already suffered a little fading.

What is the secret of Tse-mo's personality? Is it physical? Something in that. But physically more impressive and more handsome than Tse-mo, there are literally thousands, who yet have not one tenth of his fascination. His nose is too large, his eyebrows too nondescript, his mouth somewhat over-drawn, and his jaw a little heavy looking, to be really beautiful. No, the secret of his charm lies elsewhere. It is to be found, I think, in his temperament and in his mind. They are the temperament and the mind of a bright, clever child, who can never grow old, who has an insatiable curiosity about the things around him, who makes no distinction between the world of wake and the world of dream, who can never hate anyone, and to whom it never occurs that anybody can really dislike him. Experiences brush him by, they cannot transform him. He plays about with things, as a child his toys. Ideas, the Theory of Relativity, Chandra Bose's discoveries in botany, the Irish Renaissance, Tagore, Liang Chi-chao, Cézanne's paintings, Picasso's drawings, Mei Lan-fang, Kreisler—they all provide him with endless entertainment. His life is a continual round of visits to friends. The places he stays in are mere corridors for his friends to go through. The wonder is that he ever finds time to write as much as he does. What to others would be vexatious interruptions, is to him nothing, but joyous variety; and variety is life to a child.

There are sorrows to be sure, in Tse-mo's life: keen and poignant, like those of a child; but lasting no longer than the morning dew. Pain is often inflicted by him on those he associates with; but the pain is robbed of half its hurt, because the hand that inflicts it is innocent. Like a child who kills birds and pulls out the wings of flies, Tse-mo can also, at times, be very cruel to people, without his knowing it. A creature of impulse, wholly innocent, Tse-mo breaks glasses, scatters flowers, and riots through a brake of brambles, as part of the day's play.

Some say, they see signs of maturity in Tse-mo's latter days. If so, a good thing he died when he did. And what a fairytale death it was! Died in an aeroplane crash, and against a mountain too! A poetic death, a child's life: what better fate can the gods grant to mortal man?[No. 11; Mar. 15, 1934]

徐志摩，一个孩子

雪莱的爱情故事已经尽人皆知，在维多利亚时代的人们看来，那是惊世骇俗的。马修·阿诺德的文学评论，无论正确与否，都能引人入胜，但是一触及雪莱和女性的关系，他却变成了一个大傻瓜。但是，时光老人已经为雪莱辩诬，洗清了他身上所有的泥污，把他变成了爱丽儿——一只在花朵与花朵之间飞来飞去的、轻盈而脆弱的蝴蝶，一个在空中飞舞的美好而且天真的生灵。雪莱的《心之灵》，是一曲理想的情人之歌，他爱的并不是这个或那个女人，而是每一个女人。在她身上，无论是手上、脸上或是说话的声音里，他发现了理想美的某种反映。

是的，志摩和女人们的关系就和雪莱完全一样。哪一个女人也不要以被徐志摩爱过而自鸣得意，他爱过的只是他内心理想美的幻象。即使只是那种理想在某个女人身上的苍白投影，他也爱。他在许多神龛前烧香并非不忠，倒是忠于理想的本质表现。志摩用情于一个又一个女友，就像晴朗夏日飘忽不定的影子；也像影子全都由太阳引起一样，志摩的情爱也只有一个来源——他理想美的幻象。他永远是这种理想美的忠实信徒，不仅表现在他和女人的关系上，也表现在他的写作里、他和男人的友谊上，甚至表现在他乍看起来杂乱无章、短暂而可悲的一生的异常怪诞之中。

作为人的志摩，要比作为诗人的志摩伟大得多。我们许多人都喜欢他的诗，就因为诗是他写的。我不知道是否有人因为他写的诗而喜欢上他。他的个性就是他的天才。所以，他的一言一行越是富有个性，对于我们来说，就越是富有魅力。这就是为什么他的散文会比他的诗好那么多：他的散文比诗更富有个性。读他的散文，我们能立刻感受到他个性的美和脱俗的光彩。他的面部表情、说话的腔调、语言的节奏（活跃而富有生气，有时会委曲婉转涉及有趣的题外事物，继而又会顺利回归闲聊的中心主流，是那么急切、那么热情，好像什么都不为，只是为了聊聊而已）——这一切在散文中随处可见。他的诗则不然，总是和他的个性保持着距离。诗对于他总有些异己，而不是他的一部分，可以说是他的排泄物。无论享有何等声誉，诗都是他个性的余晖。随着岁月的流逝，志摩变得越来越是个回忆中的人物，人们不再像从前那样对他着迷，他的诗恐怕也会丧失掉一些现今具有的光彩。志摩去世两年了，他的诗是不是已经有点褪色，我说不准。

志摩个性魅力的秘密究竟何在？在于形象吗？有点。但是在形象上比志摩英俊出色的，何止千万，而这成千上万人的魅力也不及他的十分之一。他的鼻子太大，眼眉缺乏特点，嘴巴有点夸张，下颚看来略显沉重，因此很难算得上漂亮。不，他的魅力的秘密在别处——我想，可以从他的气质、他的头脑中找到。那是一个聪明伶俐的孩子的气质和头脑，这个孩子永远也长不大，对周围的一切怀有无穷的好奇，不分辨是清醒的还是梦幻中的世界，不懂得憎恨任何人，也不曾想过任何人会不喜欢他。人生的经历擦身而去，未能改变他。他与人间事物游戏，像孩子之于玩具。各种主张、相对论、钱德拉·博斯的植物学新发现、爱尔兰的文艺复兴、泰戈尔、梁启超、塞尚的绘画、毕加索的作品、梅兰芳、克莱斯勒——全都给了他无尽的娱乐。他的生活是对朋友无休无止的探访。他所居住的住所，不过是朋友们从中通过的走廊。令人惊奇的是，他总能找到时间写出那么多作品来。工作被打断，对于别人会是讨厌的事情；在他则不然，只不过是愉快的变换花样。对于孩子而言，变换花样就是生活。

不错，志摩的生活中也有烦恼：尖锐而且辛酸，就像孩子的烦恼那样；但是有如朝露，转瞬即逝。他也常使他的亲朋好友遭受痛苦，但是这种痛苦不会造成很大伤害，因为他本无意为害。就像孩子会弄死小鸟、撕掉昆虫的翅膀一样，志摩有时也会对别人非常残酷而不自知。他完全是个容易冲动、天真无邪的孩子，有时会摔碎杯子、乱扔花朵、在刺藤丛中喧哗笑闹，这都是嬉戏的一部分。

有人说，他们在志摩的后期看到了成熟的迹象。果真这样，他倒死得其时。而他的死，又多么像个童话！飞机失事，而且撞到了山上！死得富有诗意，活得像个孩子：神明还能给凡人安排出更好的命运吗？［第11期，1934年3月15日］

THE SYCIP BROTHERS（薛氏兄弟）

The name SyCip does not sound like a Chinese surname, does it? Nevertheless the SyCips are Chinese, as any one in the Philippines will tell you. Vicente L. Del Fierro, writing in a recent issue of The Herald Mid-Week Magazine on the occasion of Mr. Alfonso Z. SyCip's being elected president of the Manila Chinese Chamber of Commerce, tells us that "the members of the present generation of SyCips owe their honoured name that they enjoy to their late lamented father Jose Zarate Sy Cip"（or 薛清习 in Chinese）, for it is customary for a Chinese in the Philippines to take the name together with the surname of his father as his surname, hence SyCip.

The old Mr. Sy Cip, according to Del Fierro, "had been looked upon as an exemplary businessman by foreigners and Filipinos alike and he had impressed the same cardinal virtues in his children. Thus today we find the SyCips, specially the two most famous living members of the clan, Alfonso and Albino, highly respected by all elements in the business world in the Philippines... they have improved upon their inheritance, and years have added their prestige... The father of the SyCips like all adventurous sons of Cathay came here [Manila] when he was only twelve years old" from the Island of Amoy, Fukien. The Chinese women who owned and managed factories half a centuries ago, even among our overseas, could perhaps be counted on one hand, and the mother of the SyCip brothers was one of them.

However, it would be a mistake to think the SyCip brothers are businessmen and little else. If they were, perhaps their names would not appear here. Indeed, there are men of greater wealth and influence than they in Manila, but there is something they do which earns them the goodwill of the Chinese community and makes them popular. They both try to serve the Chinese community, each in his own way.

Alfonso is the third son of old SyCip. "Born in 1883, he saw the first light of day under the shadows of Binondo church," not far from which now he sits in his office on Juan Luana Street. But he has made a large circuit in the meanwhile. Taken back to China by his father at seven, he was soon sent to study in Foochow. On his return to the Philippines, he went to work in Cebu, where he found his knowledge of English, learned in the missionary school in the capital of Fukien, highly useful during the early years of the American rule. Presently he was offered a better job by a Manila firm, which he served a while before he established a business of his own.

But in Cebu or Manila, he is ever ready to lend a helping hand to those in trouble. If the trouble is among the Chinese, he is their peace-maker. If misunderstanding arises between the Chinese on the one hand and the Filipinos or the government on the other hand, then he is sure to be found among the unofficial diplomats of the Chinese community to straighten out the case. In other words, he is the type of Chinese leader produced by centuries of village life—the elder of the clan.

"In all his dealings," again to quote Del Fierro, "he has always carried his head high, but not haughtily." He speaks few words, but does a lot.

Albino, many years his junior, is more agile, and one even suspects that there is some sort of tempestuousness in his character. Being sent in his teens to study in the United States, he has acquired something of the modern tempo. While he closely cooperates with his brother in the work of an elder to the Chinese community, it is in another field of service, where his talent and training are best employed to serve his compatriots in the Philippines, e.g. the fight against the Bookkeeping Law, which was passed by the Philippine legislature admittedly to cripple the Chinese business enterprises. For his training as a lawyer was brought into full play, when he and two other delegates of the Chinese business community went to Washington to lobby against the Bill, and when they planned to take the teeth out of it.

But there are certain similarities between the two brothers. Although they do not have any connection with any institutional religion, they possess a very strong moral outlook. From his statement on the lesson to be learned from the present business depression, published in The Critic, January 25, one may gain some insight of Albino's moral outlook, while Alfonso includes in his plans for the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, the restoration of "old Chinese honesty."

Their large-mindedness expresses itself not only in services they render to their fellowmen, but also in their desire for cordial relations between the Chinese on the one hand and the Filipinos and even the Japanese on the other. They have an optimism that China will eventually pull through and emerge from the present crisis a strong, united nation, which we who live in China seldom have. It is perhaps this optimism that carries them through their hard work. Hard workers all who know them will admit they are. And nothing illustrates this so well as Alfonso's closing remark to his interviewer: "Just write enough. I don't talk. I work."[No. 12; Mar. 22, 1934]

薛氏兄弟

薛习（SyCip），听起来不像是中国人的姓，是吧？尽管如此，SyCip一家倒全都是中国人，这在菲律宾是众所周知的事实。维森特·费罗就阿尔丰索·薛习当选马尼拉中华商会主席一事，在最近一期《先驱周刊》发表的文章告诉我们，“薛习家现今一代的成员之得以享有他们光荣的姓氏，要感谢他们已故的父亲薛清习”，菲律宾华人习惯于把父亲的姓和名并用为姓，于是便有了“薛习”这样一个姓。

据费罗说，“外国人和菲律宾人都认为，薛清习老先生是一位模范商人，而且把他的基本美德传给了他的子女。因此，今日的薛习家人，尤其是这一家族最著名而仍然健在的两位成员——阿尔丰索和阿尔宾诺——受到了菲律宾商界全体高度的尊敬……他们青出于蓝而胜于蓝，他们的声望与时俱增……像所有富于冒险精神的华夏儿女一样，薛氏兄弟的父亲来到这里［马尼拉］时只有12岁”，他来自福建的厦门岛。早在半个世纪以前就能开办和经营工厂的中国妇女，甚至在我们的海外华侨中间，都是屈指可数的，而薛氏兄弟的母亲就是她们中间的一个。

然而，如果以为薛氏兄弟仅仅是商人，那就错了。如果他们确实仅仅是商人，他们的名字也就不会出现在这里了。事实上，比他们更有钱、更有影响力的人在马尼拉是有的。但是，他们是做了一些事情才赢得了华人社会的敬重，才受到了人们欢迎的。他们二人都在努力为华人社会服务，各人以各人自己的方式。

阿尔丰索是老薛清习的第三个儿子。他“1883年出生在碧农多教堂附近”，离他目前设在胡安路阿纳大街的办公室不远。但是在这几十年间，他已经转过了一大圈。他7岁时被父亲带回中国，不久便被送到福州去读书。再回到菲律宾以后，他曾到宿务去打工。到了那里他才发现，从福建省会的教会学校学到的英语知识，在美国统治的初年非常有用。不久，他就在马尼拉一家企业获得了更好的职务，并干了一段时间。继而，他就创办了自己的企业。

但是无论在宿务或是在马尼拉，他都乐于向遇到麻烦的人随时伸出援助之手。如果麻烦发生在华人之间，他就会出面充当和事佬。如果是在华人和菲律宾人或政府之间出现了误会，他肯定会是华人社会非正式外交官中的一员，去设法解决问题。换句话说，他是中国千百年农村生活所产生的那种领袖——宗族长老。“在处理各种事情时，”还是用费罗的话来说，“他的头总是抬得高高的，但是并不傲慢。”他说话不多，办事可不少。

阿尔宾诺，比他小许多岁，也比他机敏，人们甚至怀疑在他的性格里有一点狂暴的成分。他在十几岁时就被送到美国去学习，身上有种现代气质。虽然在充当华人社会长老的工作方面，他和哥哥密切合作，但是他的才智和所受教育，却是在另一个领域内为自己同胞服务时得到了最好的发挥，比如说，反对《簿记法》的斗争。不可否认，菲律宾立法机构通过这个法律，就是为了打击华商企业。当他和另外两名华商代表一道前往华盛顿，为反对这一法案而进行游说时，当他们计划着废除其中的不良条款时，他作为律师所受的教育，就有了充分的用武之地。

但是两兄弟之间也确实存在着若干相似之处。虽然他们和任何一种制度化的宗教都没有任何关系，但是他们都有很强的道德观念。从阿尔宾诺就应该从目前的经济萧条中汲取何种教训而发表在《评论》1月25日一期上的言论，就可以对他的道德观获得一个深入的认识。阿尔丰索则把恢复“古老的中国诚信”纳入了他为中华商会制定的工作计划之中。

他们心胸开阔，不仅表现在他们对自己同胞的服务上，也表现在对于华人和菲律宾人——甚至和日本人——建立和睦关系的愿望上。他们全都乐观地相信，中国一定能够渡过目前的危机，最终成为一个富强统一的国家——这倒是生活在中国国内的我们少有的乐观。也许正是这样一种乐观信念在支持他们勤奋工作。所有认识他们的人都会承认他们工作勤奋。能够说明这一点的最好实例，莫过于阿尔丰索结束访谈的那句话：“写点儿就够了，我不空谈，我要工作。”［第12期，1934年3月22日］

CHOU TSO-JEN（周作人）: IRON AND GRACE

Ways quiet as a mouse, never raising his voice above a whisper, almost old-womanish in his gait, Mr. Chou has yet that something aloof about him — is it coldness or well-mannered contempt? — which keeps men sufficiently at a distance, for him to see them as an amused spectator. His very gentleness in the outward ceremonies of conversational address is a sort of barrier to any warm intimacy with him. That shaking of the bullet-shaped head up and down, as he laughs, or rather as he makes his smile audible, is an invitation to be confidential, but not to be free and easy, with him. We cannot imagine it possible for anyone to treat him cavalierly. His always is our respect, when we first meet him: with enemies, this respect changes to fear; with friends, it leads to an intimacy at once fraternal and charitable, but cordial—never!

Mr. Chou's study, where he works and meets his guests, is the exact picture of the man. Neat, with everything in its proper place, not a speck of dust anywhere. A sort of Japanese elegance on wall and floor. A dainty exclusiveness, with nothing superfluous in the way of chairs, tables or ornaments. Just a few cushions here and there to give the room an air of comfort. And then, the books. How well they are kept behind glass-cases, and what a choice variety—from books on the psychology of sex to books on Greek religion, in Chinese, Japanese, English, and Greek. Pervading the whole room, there is an atmosphere of quiet studiousness, redolent of happy hours spent in reading and in pleasant chats on men and books.

The remoteness of Mr. Chou's house from the centre of things in Peiping does not encourage callers, but the few who do call are always welcome: they are, if not old friends, ardent admirers, who usually go to see him for some special advice about writing, or for just a chat. In most cases, it's the callers who do the talking, and it's Mr. Chou who listens. Conversation is carried on in a low key. There is no argument, hence no eloquence. The talk winds in and out, about this and about that—just a caressing touch, and then, it's off again to something else: nothing is allowed to engross the attention to the extent of becoming an object of passionate discussion. Enthusiasm is out of place: there is only the dry light of curiosity about everything.

And how very human and very small the world appears in Mr. Chou's eyes! In his writings, he avoids the great questions that divide mankind into hostile parties. What he loves to dwell on are the little things, the "little, nameless, unremembered acts," that endear this most impossible of all possible worlds to us. Hence his cultivation of that gentle art of essay-writing—not of the Macaulay sort, with its open Forum atmosphere and its clangorous emphasis, but of the Elia kind, with its unconscious, and therefore charming, solipsisms and its quiet tone. Mr. Chou's essays resemble nothing so much as gossiping, carried to a fine art. He has the rare knack of transmuting the precious nothings of a man's life into golden chit-chat. He achieves the significant, via the insignificant. In his very human garden, cabbages are more glamorous than roses. And as we read him, we become almost persuaded that flies can sometimes be more interesting than thoughts on...

...Providence, Foreknowledge, Will and Fate—Fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute.

He restores us to a sense of our proper "indignity": sippers of tea, sippers of wine, and sippers of life, like the flies of an idle, summer day, and just like the flies too, sippers with grace, sippers with "not too much."

There is another side to Mr. Chou, which we must not forget. There is a good deal of iron in him. Those biting lips of his, crowned by a brush moustache, suggest determination. He seldom cares to mix himself up with anything, but when he does, woe betide the person who crosses his path! Swiftly and surely, he strikes his enemy—only one clean, bold stroke is enough. How neatly, and with what artistry, for instance, did he dispose of Mr. Ching Li-pin（经利彬）, President of the Girls' College（女子学院）in Peiping! The secret, perhaps, of Mr. Chou's success in everything practical he undertakes to do, is his knowing clearly just what he wants, and—what is more important—his awareness of his limitations. At Committee Meetings, few are the

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